“…As work at sites such as Tikal ( Jones 1996( Jones , 2015, Motul de San José (Halperin et al 2009), Caracol Chase 2004:118-119, 2014), El Perú/Waka' (Eppich and Freidel 2015), Trinidad de Nosotros , Calakmul (Carrasco vargas, vásquez López, andMartin 2009), Buenavista (Cap 2015), Mayapán (Masson and Freidel 2012;Masson and Peraza Lope 2014;Terry et al 2015), Cobá , Maax Na , Chichén Itzá (Braswell and glascock 2002;Cobos and Winemiller 2001:289), Palenque (Barnhart 2007:115), Xunantunich (Keller 2010), Lubaantun (Hammond 1972b, but see West 2002, Ceibal (Bair 2010), Quiriguá ( Jones and Sharer 1986), and elsewhere reveals the importance of market-based exchange, our models of political economy and social organization must change in order to accommodate these revelations. To the extent that Maya economies were embedded in the rest of Maya life-and recent work shows that economies were embedded to a great extent (McAnany 2010;Wells 2006)-new findings in the economic domain demand new thinking about other domains, including politics, ritual, and identity. Thinking just about identity, for example, there is good reason to believe that Maya women played many important roles in commerce (Clendinnen 1991;McCafferty and McCafferty 1988;Wurtzburg 2015).…”