Antagonistic martyrdom: memory of the 1973 Rogo di Primavalle

Abstract

Memory of the period of political violence known as the anni di piombo continues to form part of the neofascist-antifascist antagonism in contemporary Italy. One of the most notable tragedies from that time occurred in Rome on 16 April 1973, when Stefano and Virgilio Mattei (sons of a local leader of the Movimento Sociale Italiano, MSI) died in an arson attack on the family home. In the wake of the attack, a campaign of misinformation and a failed judicial process created an incorrect but dominant narrative that implicated the MSI in the fire that killed Stefano and Virgilio. This article examines the subsequent construction of a counter-memory by the MSI leadership, who immediately cast the attack as a party tragedy and the deaths as martyrdom. It also considers the subsequent antagonistic approach to remembering adopted by neofascist groups in commemoration of the Mattei brothers following the dissolution of the MSI in 1995, and the ongoing incorporation of the brothers’ memory into fascist martyrology dating back to Mussolini's regime.

Political violence in far‐right memory: Fratelli d'Italia's remembrance of the Primavalle arson

“…Rampelli's presence at the event was particularly significant and symbolic, given his institutional role as Vice President of the Chamber of Deputies, as well as his longstanding membership of the MSI, AN and subsequently FdI (of which he is a cofounder). Even more relevant is the fact that, as mentioned above, he was closely linked to the inclusion of the Mattei brothers' names in the Mausoleum of Fascist Martyrs (King, 2020). In his speech, Rampelli voices the desire to create a museum dedicated to the political violence of the 1970s and its martyrs:…”

“…So, for instance, the names of Virgilio and Stefano Mattei were added to the Mausoleum of fascist martyrs alongside the names of Mussolini and his squadristi (King, 2020). The Mattei names were added by an organisation close to FdI's cofounder and ex‐MSI member Fabio Rampelli, who currently serves as Vice President of the Chamber of Deputies (King, 2020). In addition, King (2020) has noted how, since 2017, Italian neo‐fascist groups have organised yearly commemorative ceremonies at this location, thus showing how the memory of the dead still inspires a ‘call to action’ – which is often performed through the ‘ Presente !’ roll call of martyrs' names, underlining the ever‐present memory of those fallen for the fascist cause.…”

“…Rampelli's presence at the event was particularly significant and symbolic, given his institutional role as Vice President of the Chamber of Deputies, as well as his longstanding membership of the MSI, AN and subsequently FdI (of which he is a cofounder). Even more relevant is the fact that, as mentioned above, he was closely linked to the inclusion of the Mattei brothers' names in the Mausoleum of Fascist Martyrs (King, 2020). In his speech, Rampelli voices the desire to create a museum dedicated to the political violence of the 1970s and its martyrs:

We suggested the creation of a museum dedicated to the 1970s as a symbol of a ‘pacification’ between former adversaries in what was a creeping civil war that directly or indirectly involved tens of thousands of people, and which generated 90% of our martyrs today (Rampelli, 2018 – authors' translation).

…”

“…The immediate framing of the deaths as an act of political sacrifice fostered the creation of antagonistic recollections embedded in victimhood and martyrdom. In particular, Giorgio Almirante's speech at the funeral of the Mattei brothers evoked the classic Christian martyr paradigm by focusing on the concepts of sacrifice and rebirth (King, 2020). More generally, under Almirante's leadership (1969)(1970)(1971)(1972)(1973)(1974)(1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979)(1980)(1981)(1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986) the MSI created a 'selective meta-history' based on framing the antagonist as evil and the victims as innocent and pure (Rosati, 2017, p. 45).…”

The extreme right and the democratic institutions in Italy. The response of the regions to a national and trans-national phenomenon (1973–1975)

“…Having lost credibility following the emergence of evidence linking its own militants with areas of right-wing terrorism, the MSI interpreted the inquiries as a sort of witch-hunt against individuals and right-wing organisations. As a consequence, both inside the regional councils as well as in the press, the representatives of the MSI built up a rhetoric of victimisation, a counter-narrative which presented the party militants as a minority oppressed by their political adversaries (King 2020). As proof the MSI pointed to the dossiers which they had produced at a local level, along with others put together by extremist organisations that were close to them ideologically.…”