Anti-locality and subject extraction

Abstract

In many languages, Ā-extraction of local subject arguments behaves differently from the extraction of other arguments, for example in triggering specialized morphosyntactic processes or being subject to additional restrictions. I argue that many such interactions are due to an anti-locality constraint on movement, which bans movement which is too short. Subject extraction is often distinguished due to the high canonical position of subjects in their clauses (e.g. Spec,TP), making their movement to the clause edge (e.g. Spec,CP) uniquely in danger of violating the Spec-to-Spec Anti-Locality constraint (Erlewine 2016). Concretely, three subject extraction asymmetry behaviors are discussed and analyzed: complementizer-trace effects, subject anti-agreement effects, and bans on subject resumption, including the so-called Highest Subject Restriction. In each case, we observe that the special behavior associated with subject extraction (a) can be obviated by increasing the distance of movement, (b) also applies to exceptionally high non-subjects, and (c) does not correlate with other subjecthood properties. These facts are straightforwardly explained by the anti-locality-based approach to these asymmetries, but are challenging for alternative accounts.

On the Symmetry of V2 in Yiddish and Some of Its Consequences for Extraction

“…In other words, individual steps of phrasal movement cannot be too short. Erlewine (2020) focuses his survey on cases of subject extraction, demonstrating that his proposed constraint has considerable crosslinguistic applicability. In the discussion below, we present the details of its applicability to the Yiddish facts.…”

“…Rizzi argues that the presence of the expletive in Spec, TP in 28b allows the subject to skip over that specifier, which makes extraction across the complementizer possible. As pointed out by Erlewine (2020), this analysis is naturally recast in terms of the Spec-to-Spec antilocality constraint.…”

“…Recent work (such as Bošković 2016, Deal 2019, and Erlewine 2020 has focused on extraction asymmetries in terms of a ban on movement that is "too short". This constraint is stated in concrete terms in 1 (Erlewine 2020).…”

The That-Trace Effect: Evidence from Spanish–English Code-Switching

“…Anti-Locality (Douglas 2017;Erlewine 2016Erlewine , 2020 Movement from Spec-TP to Spec-CP is too short; extraction from Spec-TP thus universally barred.…”

“…Languages can avoid the too-local movement by avoiding movement either to Spec-CP or to Spec-TP. English null complementizers are an example of the first strategy: either bundling C and T together (Erlewine 2020) or reducing the CP structure (Douglas 2017) allows the subject to escape the phase without moving to Spec-CP. Spanish takes the second tack: the subject is extracted directly from a lower position to Spec-CP, avoiding the restriction on extraction from Spec-TP.…”