Antireflexivization as a Causativization Strategy

Krejci, Bonnie

doi:10.3765/exabs.v0i0.769

Cited by 2 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…As Ausensi et al (2021) Moving on to verbs of ingestion, there is a significant precedent for analyzing these as bi-eventive change-of-state verbs. On this treatment, these verbs encode an entailment of motion, in which a theme argument moves into a body part specified as part of the agent (Jackendoff 1996;Krejci 2012;Jerro 2019). For example, Jackendoff (1992) analyzes the verb drink as having the conceptual semantic structure as that of a verb of caused motion; the theme moves along a path to a location inside an individual's mouth.…”

Section: Intentional Killing and Ingestion Verbsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Other work has argued for similar representations for the lexical semantics of ingestion verbs on the basis of other entailments associated with this verb class. For example, Krejci (2012) argues that ingestive verbs like eat are lexically reflexive, such that the causer argument is coindexed with an argument of a transitive digested-by relation with the theme argument such that the causer digests the theme. 3 On Krejci's approach, the event structure template of an ingestive verb like eat in the style of Rappaport-Hovav & Levin (1998) is provided in (29) below; here, an actor…”

Section: Intentional Killing and Ingestion Verbsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Introducing agents by binding indices: Implications for subjectless presuppositions and agent entailments.

Smith,

Yu,

2024

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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(Bale 2007) argues, on the basis of the differential availability of subjectless repetitive presuppositions with again with certain verb classes, that the agent argument of eventive transitive verbs is introduced VP-externally (Kratzer 1996), but that the agent argument of intranstive and stative transitive verbs must be taken as a true argument by the verb. We challenge Bale’s claim from two directions. First, we observe that two classes of eventive transitive verbs, resist subjectless presuppositions with again. Second, we show that the unavailability of subjectless presuppositions with these and other verb classes is not an ironclad argument against severing agents from their verbs generally, and, develop a semantic analysis, inspired by an analysis of stative transitive verbs due to Hale & Keyser (2002), on which the relevant classes of verbs inherently make reference to the agent of their event argument in the form of an anaphoric index. This index is subsequently bound by a functional head that introduces the agent argument. The facts and analysis proposed here have wider theoretical implications for the way agents qua external arguments are introduced in general, suggesting that verbs of certain classes and VP-external functional heads may both play crucial roles in the syntactic introduction of the agent argument and its interaction with sublexical modifiers like again.

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Section: Intentional Killing and Ingestion Verbsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Intentional Killing and Ingestion Verbsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Introducing agents by binding indices: Implications for subjectless presuppositions and agent entailments.

Smith,

Yu,

2024

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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“…An exception to this generalization are ingesto-reflexives which can causativize to form ditransitives; seeKrejci (2012) for a typological overview.…”

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confidence: 99%

Involvee causatives in Turkish

Neu,

Akkuş

2024

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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In this study, we investigate a morphologically but not semantically causative construction in Turkish, which we label ‘involvee causative’ (InvC). In contrast to regular causative, the external argument in InvCs is not interpreted as an agent or causer but as merely being involved in or experiencing the event. Additionally, InvCs also differ from regular causatives in not licensing agent-oriented adverbs, instrument phrases and passivization. In previous research, failure of these diagnostics to apply has been taken as evidence for an unaccusative structure. However, we argue against such an analysis for InvCs and show that the latter contain a thematic Voice head. The above diagnostics, we conclude, are sensitive not only to the syntactic status of the external argument but also to its semantic properties, and are licensed only if the argument receives an agentive interpretation.

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Antireflexivization as a Causativization Strategy

Abstract: Antireflexivization as a Causativization Strategy

Cited by 2 publications

References 6 publications

Introducing agents by binding indices: Implications for subjectless presuppositions and agent entailments.

Introducing agents by binding indices: Implications for subjectless presuppositions and agent entailments.

Involvee causatives in Turkish

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