Applying the dominance hierarchy model to pride and shame, and related behaviors

Weisfeld, Glenn E.; Dillon, Lisa M.

doi:10.1556/jep.10.2012.1.2

Cited by 49 publications

(70 citation statements)

References 114 publications

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“…The idea that the same emotion underlies competition in all arenas is compatible with the observation that competition in activities that do not involve physical contact often elicits aggressive thoughts and verbal exchanges between rivals and may even end up in actual fights, presumably because hubristic pride is derived from the primate motivation for dominance. Weisfeld and Dillon (2012) similarly argue that, in humans, pride motivates both aggressive and nonaggressive competition and they provide several arguments supporting the view that human pride derived from primate dominance behavior. However, they appear to discard the distinction between hubristic and authentic pride and lump their respective manifestations.…”

Section: The Phylogenetic Origins Of Pridementioning

confidence: 78%

Competence and the Evolutionary Origins of Status and Power in Humans

Chapais

2015

Hum Nat

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In this paper I propose an evolutionary model of human status that expands upon an earlier model proposed by Henrich and Gil-White Evolution and Human Behavior, 22,165-196 (2001). According to their model, there are two systems of status attainment in humans-"two ways to the top": the dominance route, which involves physical intimidation, a psychology of fear and hubristic pride, and provides coercive power, and the prestige route, which involves skills and knowledge (competence), a psychology of attraction to experts and authentic pride, and translates mainly into influence. The two systems would have evolved in response to different selective pressures, with attraction to experts serving a social learning function and coinciding with the evolution of cumulative culture. In this paper I argue that (1) the only one way to the top is competence because dominance itself involves competence and confers prestige, so there is no such thing as pure dominance status; (2) dominance in primates has two components: a competitive one involving physical coercion and a cooperative one involving competence-based attraction to high-ranking individuals (proto-prestige); (3) competence grants the same general type of power (dependence-based) in humans and other primates; (4) the attractiveness of high rank in primates is homologous with the admiration of experts in humans; (5) upon the evolution of cumulative culture, the attractiveness of high rank was co-opted to generate status differentials in a vast number of culturally generated domains of activity. I also discuss, in this perspective, the origins of hubristic pride, authentic pride, and nonauthoritarian leadership.

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Section: The Phylogenetic Origins Of Pridementioning

confidence: 78%

Competence and the Evolutionary Origins of Status and Power in Humans

Chapais

2015

Hum Nat

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“…Pride serves analogous functions with respect to positive information that leads to enhanced valuation or respect. We note that human pride and its obverse, shame, are evolutionarily derived from regulatory systems for dominance and submission (5,7,8), and various aspects of those emotions (e.g., the displays) are homologous to those of simians (5). For example, receiving a pride display may elicit submission, whereas receiving a shame display terminates aggression; thus, these conjugated systems reduce overt conflict and further attacks (5, 62) (for a nonhuman example, see ref.…”

Section: The Advertisement-recalibration Theory Of Pridementioning

confidence: 89%

“…This internal reward can motivate people to undertake and persevere at costly but socially valued courses of action (42)(43)(44). Pride has a full-body display featuring an erect and expanded posture, with gaze directed at the audience, and bodily relaxation (5,34,45). This display conveys achievement and dominance (5,7,46) and reflects both short-term and long-term successes (37,47); thus, the pride display is attractive to potential mates (48), a cue to choose partners, and intimidating to rivals (5,49), which may have the effect of reducing aggression (20) and stabilizing a dominance hierarchy.…”

Section: The Advertisement-recalibration Theory Of Pridementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Pride has a full-body display featuring an erect and expanded posture, with gaze directed at the audience, and bodily relaxation (5,34,45). This display conveys achievement and dominance (5,7,46) and reflects both short-term and long-term successes (37,47); thus, the pride display is attractive to potential mates (48), a cue to choose partners, and intimidating to rivals (5,49), which may have the effect of reducing aggression (20) and stabilizing a dominance hierarchy. The behavioral display of pride, which derives from dominance and deference systems, is zoologically widespread, not only among nonhuman primates (50) but in a wide range of taxa, including invertebrates (51); thus, it is phylogenetically ancient (for similarities and differences between human and nonhuman status, see refs.…”

Section: The Advertisement-recalibration Theory Of Pridementioning

confidence: 99%

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Cross-cultural regularities in the cognitive architecture of pride

Sznycer

Al-Shawaf

Bereby‐Meyer

et al. 2017

Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.

119

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Pride occurs in every known culture, appears early in development, is reliably triggered by achievements and formidability, and causes a characteristic display that is recognized everywhere. Here, we evaluate the theory that pride evolved to guide decisions relevant to pursuing actions that enhance valuation and respect for a person in the minds of others. By hypothesis, pride is a neurocomputational program tailored by selection to orchestrate cognition and behavior in the service of: (i) motivating the costeffective pursuit of courses of action that would increase others' valuations and respect of the individual, (ii) motivating the advertisement of acts or characteristics whose recognition by others would lead them to enhance their evaluations of the individual, and (iii) mobilizing the individual to take advantage of the resulting enhanced social landscape. To modulate how much to invest in actions that might lead to enhanced evaluations by others, the pride system must forecast the magnitude of the evaluations the action would evoke in the audience and calibrate its activation proportionally. We tested this prediction in 16 countries across 4 continents (n = 2,085), for 25 acts and traits. As predicted, the pride intensity for a given act or trait closely tracks the valuations of audiences, local (mean r = +0.82) and foreign (mean r = +0.75). This relationship is specific to pride and does not generalize to other positive emotions that coactivate with pride but lack its audience-recalibrating function.pride | valuation | decision-making | emotion | culture

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“… Shame functions to minimize the spread of negative information about the self and the cost of any ensuing devaluation (Gilbert, 1997;Fessler, 1999;Weisfeld & Dillon, 2012;. Shame is triggered by indications of probable or actual devaluation (Smith, Webster, & Eyre, 2002;Dickerson, Mycek, & Zaldivar, 2008;Robertson, Sznycer, Delton, Tooby, & Cosmides, 2018).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The emotion-valuation constellation: multiple emotions are governed by a common grammar of social valuation

Sznycer¹,

Lukaszewski²

2019

Preprint

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Social emotions are hypothesized to be adaptations designed by selection to solve adaptive problems pertaining to social valuation-the disposition to attend to, associate with, and aid a target individual based on her probable contributions to the fitness of the valuer. To steer between effectiveness and economy, social emotions need to activate in precise proportion to the local evaluations of the various acts and characteristics that dictate the social value of self and others. Supporting this hypothesis, experiments conducted in the United States and India indicate that five different social emotions all track a common set of valuations. The extent to which people value each of 25 positive characteristics in others predicts the intensities of: pride (if you had those characteristics), anger (if someone failed to acknowledge that you have those characteristics), gratitude (if someone convinced others that you have those characteristics), guilt (if you harmed someone who has those characteristics), and sadness (if someone died who had those characteristics). The five emotions track local valuations (mean r = +.72) and even foreign valuations (mean r = +.70).In addition, cultural differences in emotion are patterned: They follow cultural differences in valuation. These findings suggest that multiple social emotions are governed (in part) by a common architecture of social valuation, that the valuation architecture operates with a substantial degree of universality in its content, and that a unified theoretical framework may explain cross-cultural invariances and cultural differences in emotion.

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Applying the dominance hierarchy model to pride and shame, and related behaviors

Cited by 49 publications

References 114 publications

Competence and the Evolutionary Origins of Status and Power in Humans

Competence and the Evolutionary Origins of Status and Power in Humans

Cross-cultural regularities in the cognitive architecture of pride

The emotion-valuation constellation: multiple emotions are governed by a common grammar of social valuation

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