JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. University of Illinois Press and Society for Ethnomusicology are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Ethnomusicology. D iscontinuity is a pervasive stylistic feature in Gypsy n6ta (pl. n6tdk), the popular music of Hungarian-speaking Rom (Gypsies).' Like most music made by Rom in Europe, Gypsy n6ta is shaped within a hegemonic context. Unlike several genres for which Rom are renowned, Gypsy n6ta is not oriented towards outsiders. Gypsy n6ta style has correspondences with a series of disruptions to Hungarian Rom life in this century. It works by drawing upon Rom's experience of these disruptions in terms of their affective investments in the extended family.Gypsy n6ta is one of a number of contemporary musical constellations which do not issue from a clear subject position. While the syncretism or conscious resignification in some locally-oriented popular musics may be tactics for countering dominant modes of signification (Hebdige 1979; Manuel 1994; Slobin 1992), Veit Erlmann has argued that the formulations of musical style as effective resistance to worldwide cultural "grey-out" are tautological (1996). The meanings of some contemporary musical genres are not consistent; cassette cultures, for example, give expression to fragmented religious and ethnic extremism (Manuel 1993) or to an inarticulate evocation of marginality (Stokes 1992). Gypsy n6ta, like these latter musical responses, is characterized by vagueness and irregularity in its access to experiences of a non-dominant character.The performers and audience for Gypsy n6ta are somewhat amorphously constituted. They belong to a large proportion of the Rom population which scholars and social policy-makers in Eastern Europe consider to be "assimilated." In many world regions, Rom maintain tangible ethnic boundaries through use of the Romani language, distinctive dress styles, and beliefs that non-Rom are polluted (Silverman 1988:263; Erdds 1960; ? 1997 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois 517 This content downloaded from 128.235.251.160 on Sat, 13 Dec 2014 05:15:10 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 518 Ethnomusicology, Fall 1997 Sutherland 1992); these Rom are also the primary object of press reports and ethnographic research. "Assimilated" Rom speak the mainstream language, only using a few Romani terms in their speech. They dress similarly to Hungarians, and do not have strong pollution beliefs. In Hungary, this group comprises some 71% of the overall Rom population. They have several designations, including "Hungarian Gypsies" or Romungro (pl. Romungre). There are two other main Rom ethnic groups in Hungary, the Boyash Rom and the Vlach Rom. These groups see...