Arenas Vs. Multifunctional Stadia – Which Do Spectators Prefer?

Feddersen, Arne; Maennig, Wolfgang

doi:10.2139/ssrn.1520543

Cited by 35 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…The structure of the table is the same as described before. These results confirm the insights generated by the flexible approach based on equation (14). If the treatment group is defined according to the definition "unweighted venue counties", no Note that the test clearly rejects the null hypothesis of no serial correlation and that, as a result, the standard errors are corrected using an arbitrary variance-covariance matrix as recommended by BERTRAND, DUFLO, & MULLAINATHAN (2004) in all estimations.…”

Section: Results For Aggregated Employmentsupporting

confidence: 70%

“…In the same way, the 7.5% (5.1%) jump in the "retail trade" ("other services") sector is equivalent to some 4,300 (1,000) additional jobs. 14 Coming to the implications for economic policy and public funding, we have to conclude that the absolute increases in employment are small, even in the obviously outstanding case of the 1996 Atlanta Olympic Games. Whereas effects in areas such as feelgood, happiness, and image caused by mega-sporting events might be an argument for public funding, the employment effects seem too small and too concentrated sectorally and locally to justify public funding from general sources at the state level.…”

Section: Fig 5 Monthly Treatment Effects For Sectorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Mega-Events and Sectoral Employment: The Case of the 1996 Olympic Games

Feddersen

Maennig

2010

SSRN Journal

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Hamburg contemporary economic discussions, No. 35 Provided in Cooperation with:University of Hamburg, Chair for Economic Policy Suggested Citation: Feddersen, Arne; Maennig, Wolfgang (2010) : Mega-events and sectoral employment: The case of the 1996 Olympic Games, Hamburg contemporary economic discussions, No. 35, Univ, Abstract: This paper contributes to the analysis of large sporting events using highly disaggregated data. We use the 1996 Olympic Games in Atlanta, which are also outstanding as one of the very few large sporting events where ex post academic analysis found significant positive effects. This paper extends earlier studies in several ways. First, monthly rather than quarterly data will be employed.Second, the impact of the 1996 Olympics will be analyzed for 16 different sectors or subsectors. Third, in addition to standard DD models, we use a non-parametric approach to flexibly isolate employment effects. Regarding the Olympic effect, hardly any evidence for a persistent shift in the aftermath of or the preparation for the Olympic Games is supported. We find a significant positive employment effect in the monthly employment statistics exclusively during the staging of the Olympic Games (July 1996).These short-term effects are concentrated in the sectors of "retail trade", "accommodation and food services", and "arts, entertainment, and recreation", while other sectors showed no such effects.

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Section: Results For Aggregated Employmentsupporting

confidence: 70%

Section: Fig 5 Monthly Treatment Effects For Sectorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Mega-Events and Sectoral Employment: The Case of the 1996 Olympic Games

Feddersen

Maennig

2010

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“…The city of Rio de Janeiro has been the scene of several projects designed to prepare the city for mega events. 14 12 Systematized data from the database of Superior Electoral Court. 13 Matrix of responsibilities between the Union and States (Brazilian Sport Ministry) and Olympic Charter -Published by the International Olympic Committee -July 2011. .…”

Section: Rio De Janeiro's Urban Development Strategy In the Run-up Tomentioning

confidence: 99%

Mega Sporting Events, Real Estate, and Urban Social Economics The Case of Brazil 2014/2016

Aragão¹,

Maennig

2013

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These events promise to improve the urban quality of life and to induce social legacy because of investments in urban infrastructure, transportation, and sporting facilities. Our analysis of the case of Brazil, especially in Rio de Janeiro (host of the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympic Games) shows that such benefits may differ locally and may accentuate the process of socio-spatial segregation. Urban projects often include forced evictions of low-income populations and the consequent expansion of social segregation. In public opinion, mega events are also responsible for increasing rents and (real estate) prices. However, such inflationary phenomenon occurs in most Brazilian cities, including nonhost cities. The appreciation of real estate is explained largely by population and economic growth and the reduction of interest rates through mortgage programs, as well as reduced social inequality. Public investments in mega events account for only approximately 0.15% of Brazilian GDP from 2007 to 2016 and are thus too small to be responsible for the (increasing) social problems.Obviously, the perceived lack of public accountability for mega event finances as well as the perceived lack of susceptibility to social issues by the mega sporting projects may harm the public opinion of mega events. International sporting federations should thus have every interest in ensuring that their mega events target social inclusion and pay more attention to the needs of local urban and social policies.

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“…The BSU has also supplied us with a data set for all 1,034 13 locations known to the authorities 14 where CPBS were set up that required a permit 15 within the territory of the City of Hamburg. Among other attributes the data set includes the Cartesian coordinates of the CPBS.…”

Section: Datamentioning

confidence: 99%