Argentina

Lodola, Germán; Perelmiter, Luisina

doi:10.4324/9781003197614-5

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…The government deepened its welfare programs to respond to the Covid-19 pandemic, funded by export revenues from soaring soy prices. 26 AUH households grew; unemployment and poverty fell. Growth eventually rebounded and capital investments grew by 33 percent.…”

Section: The Return-and Unraveling Of Kirchnerismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Backing Extremism in Argentina: The Working-Class Vote for Javier Milei

Rojas

2024

New Labor Forum

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Section: The Return-and Unraveling Of Kirchnerismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Backing Extremism in Argentina: The Working-Class Vote for Javier Milei

Rojas

2024

New Labor Forum

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“…Altogether, agrarian food production represented 48% of exports, 15% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and 11% of employment. Looking at the gross production value by links, Lódola et al (2010) find that primary soy production contributed 73% to exports, and processing, another 8%. Argentina followed the trends of global food trade because exports of unprocessed goods and first transformation products had increased-53% of all exports were first transformation goods (soymeal, crude soy oil), and 33.6%, unprocessed soybeans (Rebizo & Tejeda Rodríguez, 2011, p. 7).…”

Section: Case Studies On Argentina and Brazil Argentinamentioning

confidence: 99%

Agrarian extractivism: Addressing actors and their agency at the national level

Giacalone¹

2023

Latin American Policy

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The literature on the transformation of Latin American agrarian productive and trade patterns (1990s to 2010s) tends to overemphasize traits of the agrarian extractivism concept, such as intensive mono‐production for exportation, sectoral disarticulation, concentration of benefits and power outside the producing nation, and degradation of environmental and labor conditions. At the same time, an analysis of the experiences of the Argentine and Brazilian soy chains shows that they include characteristics that the literature does not usually incorporate. After reviewing the literature and two case studies, we discuss the need to incorporate the agency of national state and nonstate actors into the analysis of agrarian extractivism. We argue that addressing this level and these actors' agency is necessary to understand the potential link between agrarian extractivism and economic development in Latin America. Empirical research relies on publications based on fieldwork and statistics. This article theorizes that agrarian systems are made up of chains whose links specialize in different distinct functions, and their actors' economic behavior is determined by their decision‐making (agency) capacity and rational choice. Power in chains is relational and mutates over time and according to changes in context, so this configuration opens the possibility of fostering economic development options through national actors and justifies their inclusion in the analysis of agrarian extractivism.

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“…Variation in the policies implemented by regional governments to face the crisis was also remarkable (see Hale et al, 2021 for the Oxford University Government Response Tracker). For example, while leaders like President Alberto Fernández in Argentina imposed strict public health guidelines early on, with initially broad public support (Jones and Galmarini, 2020; Lodola and Perelmiter, 2022), others such as Brazil's Jair Bolsonaro or Mexico's Andrés Manuel López Obrador, refused to implement national policies or impose major air travel restrictions (de la Cerda and Martinez-Gallardo, 2022; Dunn and Laterzo, 2021). Politically, the crisis also led incumbents and their political allies to favour greater concentration of power in the hands of the executive as a (necessary or fabricated) way to face the emergency.…”

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confidence: 99%

Ideological and Populist Bases of Partisan Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Latin America

de la Cerda,

Hartlyn,

Martinez-Gallardo

2024

Journal of Politics in Latin America

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This research note explores variation in how political parties and presidents in Latin America responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. Relying on the Chapel Hill Expert Survey-Latin America (CHES-LA), we argue that preferences regarding the trade-off between virus containment and maintaining an open economy were shaped by the ideological positions of presidents and parties, particularly for more programmatic ones. This is largely consistent with findings in other world regions. Yet, beyond ideological orientation, populism, also had an important – though heterogeneous – effect on response preferences, with non-populists, particularly highly programmatic ones, more consistently supporting virus containment. In addition, both incumbents and more populist presidents and parties favoured further concentration of executive power to address the pandemic. These findings provide evidence of the importance of understanding how ideology, populism and programmatic linkages interact in Latin America’s party systems.

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Argentina

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Backing Extremism in Argentina: The Working-Class Vote for Javier Milei

Backing Extremism in Argentina: The Working-Class Vote for Javier Milei

Agrarian extractivism: Addressing actors and their agency at the national level

Ideological and Populist Bases of Partisan Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Latin America

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