Aspect and argument structure of deverbal nominalizations: A split vP analysis

Sleeman, Petra; Brito, Ana Maria

doi:10.1515/9783110245875.199

Cited by 16 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…As argued by various authors (see in particular Alexiadou et al 2010, Iordăchioaia & Soare 2009, Brito & Sleeman 2010, the functional structure of event nominals can contain nominal projections, verbal projections or a combination of both. Among the nominal projections, number (NumP) is of particular interest here, since French ENs allow number variation.…”

Section: Nump and Aspp: Some Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 96%

“…Grimshaw (1990) has argued that complex event nominals -event nominals (ENs) that take arguments and display aspectual properties -do not pluralize. However, plural event nominals have been shown to exist in a variety of languages, contrary to this observation, e.g., in Slavic and Germanic languages (Alexiadou et al 2010;Sleeman & Brito 2010), and in Romance languages (Iordăchioaia & Soare 2009), including French (Meinschaefer 2005Roodenburg 2006;.…”

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confidence: 97%

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French event nominals and number-inflection

Knittel¹

2011

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Section: Nump and Aspp: Some Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 96%

mentioning

confidence: 97%

French event nominals and number-inflection

Knittel¹

2011

rlv

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“…It is argued that, just like passive participles, these deverbal modifiers present several readings, located on a spectrum of readings ranging from fully eventive to purely stative, expressed by different syntactic structures. The analysis of deverbal modifiers of the noun, including passive participles, contributes in this way to the ongoing unraveling of the 'mixed' syntactic and semantic properties of deverbal categories such as participles (Alexiadou and Anagnastopoulou, 2007), nominalizations (Sleeman and Brito, 2010), and nominalized infinitives (Iordăchioaia and Soare, 2009). …”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Verbal and adjectival participles: Position and internal structure

Sleeman¹

2011

Lingua

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“…We will first show that, contra Grimshaw (1990) for English, French CENs can generally occur in the plural when denoting multiple events (see Meinschaefer 2005;Roodenburg 2006;Sleeman & Brito 2010;Knittel 2011; 2016a for similar observations). However, a restricted subclass of CENs systematically rejects pluralization.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 83%

Lexical aspect and number variation in French Complex Event Nominals

Knittel¹

2019

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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In this work, we examine the factors allowing or disallowing French Complex Event Nominals (CENs, i.e. deverbal nominals displaying argument and aspectual structures, Grimshaw 1990) to occur in the plural when denoting a plurality of events. Our claim is that French CENs can occur in the plural in such cases (Meinschaefer 2005; Roodenburg 2006; Sleeman & Brito 2010), and thus behave as count nouns. However, a restricted subclass does not exhibit number variation, similarly to other non-count nouns. To account for the distribution of nominal plurality, we rely on lexical aspect. We show that the CENs that do not admit pluralization are strictly atelic: they nominalize strictly stative verbs or push-verbs (Verkuyl 1993). Conversely, CENs derived from any other aspectual verb class can appear in the plural, even when they nominalize atelic VPs, provided these also have a telic use. This leads to a restatement of the role of boundedness previously invoked to account for the relationship between verbal (a)telicity and nominal [±count] distinction (Bach 1976; Mourelatos 1978; Krifka 1989), that linked the [±count] property of the derived event nominal to the actual (a)telicity of the VP. Since the distribution of plural just described is proper to CENs, which have an internal verbal structure, we suggest that it deserves a syntactic analysis. Our hypothesis is that [-count] CENs derive from verbs that are deprived of AspQP (Borer 1993; 2005). This results in turn in the absence of ClP and NumP in the nominal layers. The absence of ClP accounts for the fact that [-count] CENs do not behave as regular mass nouns.

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Aspect and argument structure of deverbal nominalizations: A split vP analysis

Cited by 16 publications

References 2 publications

French event nominals and number-inflection

French event nominals and number-inflection

Verbal and adjectival participles: Position and internal structure

Lexical aspect and number variation in French Complex Event Nominals

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