2017
DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2017.1361933
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Assessing the European Union’s strategic capacity: the case of EUNAVFOR MED Operation Sophia

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Cited by 24 publications
(4 citation statements)
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“…The representation of the 2015-2016 migrant and refugee movement as both a political, societal, and economic crisis, and as an event the EU was not responsible for, further reinforced the framing of displaced people as potential security threats, as “irregular”, “unwelcome”, and “undeserving of assistance”, but also, at the same time, as victims of smugglers whose deaths the EU needs to pre-empt (Vaughan-Williams, 2015). The mainstreaming of this narrative allowed for further emphasis to be put on the externalization of border controls: (1) the increased militarisation of non-EU borders (Campesi, 2018); (2) further reliance on surveillance technology (Jumbert et al, 2022); (3) the re-orientation of search and rescue operations towards anti-smuggling missions (Johansen, 2017); (4) an increased focus on return and readmission for those individuals not deemed to qualify as asylum seekers (Cassarino, 2018); and (5) informal partnerships with Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Guinea, Gambia and the Ivory Coast (Carrera and Stefan, 2020; Kassoti and Idriz, 2022; Kaya, 2020).…”
Section: Externalisation Of Border Controls and Pushbacksmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The representation of the 2015-2016 migrant and refugee movement as both a political, societal, and economic crisis, and as an event the EU was not responsible for, further reinforced the framing of displaced people as potential security threats, as “irregular”, “unwelcome”, and “undeserving of assistance”, but also, at the same time, as victims of smugglers whose deaths the EU needs to pre-empt (Vaughan-Williams, 2015). The mainstreaming of this narrative allowed for further emphasis to be put on the externalization of border controls: (1) the increased militarisation of non-EU borders (Campesi, 2018); (2) further reliance on surveillance technology (Jumbert et al, 2022); (3) the re-orientation of search and rescue operations towards anti-smuggling missions (Johansen, 2017); (4) an increased focus on return and readmission for those individuals not deemed to qualify as asylum seekers (Cassarino, 2018); and (5) informal partnerships with Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Guinea, Gambia and the Ivory Coast (Carrera and Stefan, 2020; Kassoti and Idriz, 2022; Kaya, 2020).…”
Section: Externalisation Of Border Controls and Pushbacksmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Aby wyjaśnić, dlaczego tak jest, przeanalizowała związek między strukturą zarządzania a zdolnościami strategicznymi w obu operacjach w sposób porównawczy. Kluczowym wnioskiem było to, że charakter i różnice między formalnymi strukturami, które regulowały i umożliwiały planowanie, ustanawianie, wdrażanie, ocenę i adaptację tych dwóch operacji, wyjaśniały, dlaczego UE wykazała wyższy stopień zdolności strategicznej w operacji Triton niż w Sophii (Johansen, 2020). Kolejną misją była trwająca obecnie misja Irini, a jej głównym celem było wyegzekwowanie embarga ONZ na dostawy broni do Libii w związku z libijską wojną domową.…”
Section: Plany Rozwiązania Problemu Nielegalnej Migracjiunclassified
“…Even though this securitisation or militarisation of humanitarian action has been successful, it has proved to have a rather limited effect on EU security (Johansen, 2017). The reviews of the missions, indicate that saving migrants lives turned out to be the most tangible result of the missions given that there is little evidence that Operation "Sophia" or joint operations have significantly disrupted human smuggling or terrorist activities in the Mediterranean (Johansen, 2017, p. 515).…”
Section: Commentsmentioning
confidence: 99%