Assimilationism and Pluralism as Cultural Tools

Berbrier, Mitch

doi:10.1023/b:sofo.0000019647.42154.2d

Cited by 15 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 32 publications

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“…Social movement organizations engage in frame amplification, where the importance of particular values is highlighted to invigorate involvement (Snow et al, 1986). In some instances, organizations draw from master frames that are more broad and generic, such injustice (Gamson, 1992) or, as Berbrier (2004) observed with gay, deaf, and white separatist movements, civil rights. A common component of social movements' prognostic framing involves getting media to present an issue from the frame of the social movement in a way that will resonate with a public audience (Benford & Snow, 2000).…”

Section: Media Framing and Same-sex Marriagementioning

confidence: 99%

Framing same-sex marriage: Media constructions of California's Proposition 8

Warren

Bloch²

2014

The Social Science Journal

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Section: Media Framing and Same-sex Marriagementioning

confidence: 99%

Framing same-sex marriage: Media constructions of California's Proposition 8

Warren

Bloch²

2014

The Social Science Journal

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“…Friese, 2014: 131; Saldaña, 2009). The interpretive frames and micro-frames were classified according to subject matter into three broader horizontal areas (social/economic, civic/political, and cultural; see also Entzinger, 2003: 107), according to their collective/individual character (Jenson, 1995) with a pluralism/assimilation dichotomy as the two integration masterframes (Berbrier, 2004). In total, 481 self-designation micro-frames in 246 documents/periodicals were identified and classified.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

What’s in a name again? The identity frames and mobilisation strategies of Czech Romani and Pro-Romani activists

Koubek

2017

Ethnicities

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The aim of this study is to empirically analyse the relationship of collective identity frames to the mobilisation strategies of the Czech Romani and pro-Romani activists over the past two decades. After all, most existing analyses merely implicitly assume that this relationship exists, and explain the relationship as the result of a given political opportunity structure, but they do not examine these frames more closely. Using frame and claim-making analysis, the text traces the diachronic and synchronic development of self-naming frames and the collective action repertoire in five-year intervals (1992, 1997, 2002, 2007, and 2012). It shows that, whereas self-naming significantly changes, the activists’ action repertoire does not. Thus, the frequently postulated relationship between self-naming, strategies and activists’ priorities is not confirmed. However, the analysis does reveal that certain claims and frames are connected with certain strategies and repertoire patterns. The paper concludes with a discussion of reasons for this diversification of activist framings, which may be the result of efforts to focus on different target audiences within the multiplicity of opportunity structures and a response to the (new) availability of external sources of funding in Central and Eastern Europe countries.

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“…Wahneema Lubiano (1996:69) argues that "the process of normalization of the work of oppositional gestures is an ongoing dynamic in our system," one she dramatically likens to getting mugged. Her analogy reflects the extent to which concepts related to the politics of identity are "emotionally charged," deeply affective, and moral (Berbrier 2004). Recently, scholars have called for more research that examines the role that emotions such as these play in social movement participation, claiming that work on social movements has not been sufficiently attentive to their effects and meanings Taylor 1996;Taylor and Rupp 2002).…”

Section: Social Movements Institutional Change and Emotionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Emotional Contradictions of Identity Politics: A Case Study of a Failed Human Relations Commission

Taylor

2006

Sociological Perspectives

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This case study of the birth and death of a human relations commission in California contributes to our understanding of the emotional stakes of social movement participation and the meaning of multiculturalism in the U.S. post-civil rights era. The research indicates the extent to which resonant movement frames are necessary for movement success and how their absence can cause emotional harm to movement adherents. In this account of institutional activism, the frameworks of human relations and multiculturalism-simultaneously affective and amorphousattracted participation but produced a harmful emotional climate and ultimately proved insufficient to inspire collective identity and action. Thus, instead of transforming social movement behavior, the state project of human relations deployed here succeeded in invigorating entrenched grievances and identities. Other factors, such as leadership, social movement identity work, and the "emotion culture" of movements are also discussed. Findings presented herein are based on one year of participant observation, twentyfour interviews, and analysis of public records.

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Assimilationism and Pluralism as Cultural Tools

Cited by 15 publications

References 32 publications

Framing same-sex marriage: Media constructions of California's Proposition 8

Framing same-sex marriage: Media constructions of California's Proposition 8

What’s in a name again? The identity frames and mobilisation strategies of Czech Romani and Pro-Romani activists

The Emotional Contradictions of Identity Politics: A Case Study of a Failed Human Relations Commission

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