Asymmetries in the Processing of Vowel Height

Abstract

We take our results to reflect an abstract long-term representation of vowels that do not include redundant specifications at very early stages of processing the speech signal. Moreover, the dipole locations indicate extraction of distinctive features and their mapping onto representationally faithful cortical locations (i.e., a feature map).

Converging evidence for [coronal] underspecification in English-speaking adults

“…For example, Scharinger, Monahan, and Idsardi (2012) examined the underspecification of vowel height in three English vowels. Consistent with the previous German studies, a larger MMN response was observed when the underspecified vowel /ε/, as in “bet” was the deviant, as compared to a vowel with a more specified height, /æ/, as in “bat” (Scharinger, Monahan, & Idsardi, 2012).…”

“…For example, Scharinger, Monahan, and Idsardi (2012) examined the underspecification of vowel height in three English vowels. Consistent with the previous German studies, a larger MMN response was observed when the underspecified vowel /ε/, as in “bet” was the deviant, as compared to a vowel with a more specified height, /æ/, as in “bat” (Scharinger, Monahan, & Idsardi, 2012). In contrast, Scharinger et al (2011) examined [coronal] underspecification in two English consonant manner classes: glides (/w/ and /j/) and fricatives (/v/ and /ʒ/), with /w/ and /v/ classified as [labial] and /j/ and /ʒ/ classified as [coronal].…”

Linguistic category structure influences early auditory processing: Converging evidence from mismatch responses and cortical oscillations

“…Recently, it has been proposed that less specific, underspecified vowels have less intrinsic “predictive” value compared to more specific, specified vowels (Eulitz and Lahiri, 2004; Scharinger et al, 2012a; Scharinger et al, 2012b). Scharinger et al (2012b) demonstrated that the unspecific category structure of the American English vowel [ε] influenced processing, as indexed by the Mismatch Negativity, an automatic change and prediction error response of the brain (Näätänen and Alho, 1997; Schröger, 2005; Winkler, 2007).…”

“…Scharinger et al (2012b) demonstrated that the unspecific category structure of the American English vowel [ε] influenced processing, as indexed by the Mismatch Negativity, an automatic change and prediction error response of the brain (Näätänen and Alho, 1997; Schröger, 2005; Winkler, 2007). In a passive oddball design, the authors contrasted the high- and low-vowels [ɪ] and [æ] in standard position with the low- and high-vowels [æ] and [ɪ] in deviant position.…”

Morpho-phonological regularities influence the dynamics of real-time word recognition: Evidence from artificial language learning

“…At the most abstract end of the spectrum, lexical underspecification models (e.g., Lahiri & MarslenWilson, 1991) posit that listeners store abstract lexical representations whose content is underspecified for predictable or default information (e.g., Archangeli, 1988;Archangeli & Pulleyblank, 1989;Dinnsen, 1996;Pulleyblank, 1986Pulleyblank, , 1988aPulleyblank, , 1988bRingen, 1988;Stemberger, 1991;Stemberger & Stoel-Gammon, 1991). During word recognition, listeners determine whether features extracted from a surface form match the stored features; when features are underspecified, they neither support activation of the target word nor elicit a mismatch (Eulitz & Lahiri, 2004;Lahiri & Marslen-Wilson, 1991;Pallier et al, 2001;Scharinger et al, 2012;Wheeldon & Waksler, 2004). As a result, a listener can accept surface greem as a possible match for underlying green, because the coronal sound in /ɡrin/ is underspecified for place and does not therefore mismatch with the [labial] feature of the surface form.…”