OutlineThe ungrammaticality that can be observed in subject extraction from that-clauses in English, known as the that-trace effect, has attracted much attention in generative grammar. Until today, most of the writing takes it for granted that the effect is directly connected to the placement or the role of the subject. In this article we will show that this is likely to be wrong. We will show on the basis of data from German that the that-trace effect emerges as the result of TOPIC EXTRACTION via the specifier of the complementizer that (SpecCP). Since subjects are very likely to serve as topics, and the grammar of English does not allow much variation in using other constituents as topics, it is understandable that the that-trace effect was taken to be a subject effect. The gist of our explanation of the that-trace effect is that constituents which have been moved to the topic position, more precisely to the position of an aboutness-topic, do not have a feature for contrastiveness, and that precisely such a feature is needed in long extraction to value a subfeature of the intermediate complementizer. 1 This requirement allows essentially only constituents from the rhematic part of the clause to move long distance.The article is organized as follows: Section 2 gives a short description of that-trace effects in English and comments on some more recent approaches. Section 3 turns to similar effects in German, pointing to means of circumventing the violation which are offered by the grammar of German. In this section it will be established that it is topic movement and not subject movement which gives rise to the observed violation. Making use of a feature of contrastivity, section 4 identifies the violation as related to what in previous research was seen as IMPROPER MOVEMENT. In section 5 the notorious problem of long extraction from zero-complementizer clauses will be addressed. Extending work that has been done on German, it will be argued there that also in English the construction is better analyzed as involving parenthetical insertion. In other words, what has been taken to be long subject extraction across a zero complementizer is in all likelihood short extraction into which a special parenthetical has been inserted. 2 In section 6 we shift from the discussion of English and Standard German to a discussion of Zurich German relative clauses. Relative clauses in this dialect are of particular interest because they show a split between movement and resumption. Subjects and direct objects move and leave a trace whereas indirect objects and PP-objects etc. rely on resumption. Interestingly, this picture changes as soon as we are dealing with long relativization. In the latter case, even subject and direct object submit to resumption. On the basis of the extraction theory developed that far, this change receives a natural explanation, the reason being that the relative operator -unlike the wh-operator in questions -cannot value the contrast-feature in comp. The result is repair by means of resumption. It will...