Attention, intentions, and follow-through in preventive health behavior: Field experimental evidence on flu vaccination

Bronchetti, Erin Todd; Huffman, David; Magenheim, Ellen B.

doi:10.1016/j.jebo.2015.04.003

Cited by 91 publications

(78 citation statements)

References 48 publications

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“…As for price-based policies, Bronchetti, Huffman, and Magenheim (2015) found that offering a $30 incentive ($31.07 in 2015 dollars) increased vaccination rates at campus clinics by 10.7 percentage points. The baseline vaccination rate in the control group was 8.7%, so the treatment generated just 1.78 additional vaccinations per $100 spent (0.107/(31.07 × (0.107 + 0.087)) × 100).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Should Governments Invest More in Nudging?

et al. 2017

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Governments are increasingly adopting behavioral science techniques for changing individual behavior in pursuit of policy objectives. The types of “nudge” interventions that governments are now adopting alter people’s decisions without coercion or significant changes to economic incentives. We calculated ratios of impact to cost for nudge interventions and for traditional policy tools, such as tax incentives and other financial inducements, and we found that nudge interventions often compare favorably with traditional interventions. We conclude that nudging is a valuable approach that should be used more often in conjunction with traditional policies, but more calculations are needed to determine the relative effectiveness of nudging.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Should Governments Invest More in Nudging?

et al. 2017

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“…Furthermore, this is a cross-sectional study, with all of its inherent limitations. In addition, future studies are needed to clarify whether there is an intention-action gap [53, 54] in the association between psychological factors and flu vaccination.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Psychological determinants of influenza vaccination

2017

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BackgroundPrevious studies investigated the determinants of individuals’ decision to vaccinate against influenza primarily focusing on social as well as certain proximal determinants, for example, behavioral beliefs. Thus, so far, the analysis of psychological factors as determinants of influenza vaccination was mainly limited to beliefs, attitudes or perceptions that were directly related to influenza vaccination and its perceived impact. However, considering general psychological factors, like general self-efficacy, optimism or subjective well-being, might further enhance the understanding of why certain people vaccinate while others do not. The aim was to investigate the relationship between various general psychological factors and older people’s decision to vaccinate against seasonal flu.MethodsThe data of individuals aged 60 or older (n = 5037; in 2014) were used from the Germany Ageing Survey. The data were collected in face-to-face interviews and in self-administered questionnaires. They include questions on the use of influenza vaccination and the psychological factors of optimism, self-efficacy, self-esteem, perceived stress, self-regulation, life satisfaction, and negative affect as well as positive affect. The psychological determinants of regular influenza vaccination were investigated using multiple logistic regressions.Results53.2% of all participants were regular users of influenza vaccination. There were significant bivariate correlations of all cited psychological factor with influenza vaccination except for life satisfaction and negative affect. After controlling for numerous potential socio-demographic, morbidity- and lifestyle-related confounders, regular influenza vaccination was still positively associated with lower levels of self-esteem and a higher level of perceived stress.ConclusionsThere are significant associations of general individual psychological constructs with the decision to vaccinate against influenza. Future research might determine the impact of psychological factors on the decision to vaccinate in longitudinal research designs. This might be helpful to understand the causal mechanisms behind this relationship, which could help to design interventions that increase vaccination rates in certain target groups.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (10.1186/s12877-017-0597-y) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

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“…Active-Decision Nudge (Carroll et al, 2009) Danish Tax Incentives (Chetty et al, 2014) Retirement Savings Information (Duflo & Saez, 2003) Matching Contributions: 20% (Duflo et al, 2006) Matching Contributions: 50% (Duflo et al, 2006) U.S. Tax Incentives (Duflo et al, 2007) Form-Streamlining Nudge (Bettinger et al, 2012) Monthly Stipends (Dynarski, 2003) Monetary Subsidies (Long, 2004a) Tax Credits (Long, 2004b;Bulman & Hoxby, 2015) Social-Norms Nudge (Allcott, 2011) Health-Linked Usage Information Nudge (Asensio & Delmas, 2015) Billing-Information Nudge (Asensio & Delmas, 2015) Electricity Bill Discounts (Ito, 2015) Incentives and Education (Arimura et al, 2012) Planning-Prompt Nudge (Milkman et al, 2011) Default-Appointment Nudge (Chapman et al, 2010) Monetary Incentive (Bronchetti et al, 2015) Educational Campaign (Kimura et al, 2007) Free Work-Site Vaccinations (Kimura et al, 2007) return the form was approximately $2 per employee, so the active-decision nudge generated $100 of additional savings per dollar spent. Perhaps the best-known nudges for promoting savings in workplace retirement accounts enroll employees automatically, use automatic escalation to increase their contribution rates, or employ a combination of these two nudges.…”

Section: Nudgementioning

confidence: 99%

Should Governments Invest More in Nudging?

et al. 2017

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In response, governments are increasingly interested in using behavioral insights as a supplement to or replacement for traditional economic levers, such as incentives, to shape the behavior of citizens and government personnel to promote public priorities. A number of governments around the world have formed nudge units: teams of behavioral science experts tasked with designing behavioral interventions that have the potential to encourage desirable behavior without restricting choice, testing those interventions rapidly and inexpensively, and then widely implementing the strategies that prove most effective. The United Kingdom established a nudge unit in 2010 and was soon followed by other countries, including Australia, Germany, The Netherlands, and Singapore, as well as the United States, where an Executive Order issued in September 2015 directed federal agencies to incorporate behavioral science into their programs (Obama, 2015). Of course, it is important to emphasize that behaviorally informed approaches can also be, and often have been, implemented by agencies without the use of designated nudge units. A key feature of behavioral strategies is that they aim to change "people's behavior in a predictable way without forbidding any options or significantly changing their economic incentives. To count as a mere nudge, [an] intervention must be easy and cheap to avoid. Nudges are not mandates"

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Attention, intentions, and follow-through in preventive health behavior: Field experimental evidence on flu vaccination

Cited by 91 publications

References 48 publications

Should Governments Invest More in Nudging?

Should Governments Invest More in Nudging?

Psychological determinants of influenza vaccination

Should Governments Invest More in Nudging?

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