Australia and the Global Trade System

Capling, Ann

doi:10.1017/cbo9781139106887

Cited by 166 publications

(16 citation statements)

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“…Nation states (Australia is discussed below as a case in point) and supranational bodies like the European Union (Henry, 1999) can, it should be remembered, still intervene in the politics of leisure and culture. Protection for culture from simple neoclassical economic prescriptions of commodity exchange without boundaries is still permissible, although under continuing pressure (Capling, 2001). The European Union affords legal protection for cultural events and texts, including those that are televised, deemed to be of national significance (Rowe, 2004), and individual nations can do likewise, despite the disapproval of culturally exporting nations (pre-eminently the USA) and the World Trade Organization.…”

Section: Global Declarations and Calculationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Coming to Terms with Leisure and Globalization

Rowe

2006

Leisure Studies

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This article is concerned with the engagement of leisure studies as an academic field and as organized, professional intervention with the phenomenon of globalization, using the exemplificatory case of the World Leisure and Recreation Association's (now World Leisure's) Sao Paulo Declaration on Leisure and Globalization as a point of reference. Deploying a combination of globalization theory and 'autoethnographic' research in relation to instances of mediated leisure culture, it reflects on conceptual imprecision and potential contradictions in the Declaration as indicative of wider problems in the disciplinary field. Leisure studies researchers are enjoined to avoid complicity in promoting both dystopian and utopian versions of globalization theory, and sceptically to assess the complex interaction of globalizing and other macro/micro processes. The article concludes by arguing for a wide-ranging, critically reflexive leisure studies research agenda supported by principled strategic interventions in leisure power relations.

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Section: Global Declarations and Calculationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Coming to Terms with Leisure and Globalization

Rowe

2006

Leisure Studies

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“…48 It was only in 1956, with the renegotiation of Australia's Ottawa agreement with Britain, and 1957, when Australia concluded a trade treaty with Japan, that Canberra began to imagine a commercial future in which Britain was not central. 49 Some South African exporters also insisted on preserving imperial preference, a stance upheld by 'the principle . .…”

Section: IIImentioning

confidence: 99%

In the National Interest: Dominions' Support for Britain and the Commonwealth after the Second World War

McKenzie¹

2006

The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History

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Was British confidence that the Commonwealth could bolster its international status and extend its global reach after the Second World War a product of self-delusion or nostalgia? This paper examines three crucial aspects of relations between Britain and Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa in the 1940s -diplomacy, economics and defence -to show the extensive and tangible support that the 'old dominions' extended to Britain. They opted to back Britain because it served their individual national interests well. British hopes that the post-war Commonwealth would be an effective association were founded on ample evidence, although the British desire to lead and dominate was confounded by the fact that Ottawa, Canberra, Wellington and Pretoria were national centres in their own right.Although by 1945 British officials, political leaders and citizens eagerly anticipated the end of the Second World War, the return to peace presented serious problems for British influence and standing in the post-war world. Britain had been devastated by the war. Its two ranking allies, the United States and Soviet Union, had surpassed Britain as world powers. More durable causes of decline were also increasingly evident. But neither the wartime coalition government nor the Labour government elected in July 1945 was resigned to Britain's decline. They understood that the challenges to British power had both proximate and long-term causes and therefore required different solutions, including borrowing money to finance post-war reconstruction, co-operating with Washington, rebuilding the export trade and acquiring an independent nuclear weapons capability. The goal of these various tactics was the same: to ensure that Britain remained a global power in the post-war world. Few seriously questioned this priority, which was based on a conviction of Britain's historic and rightful place in the international community and fuelled by a persistent 'Great Power psychology'. 1

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“…The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), established in 1947, had minimal real relevance for agricultural trade. Several agriculture-related 'add-on' Agreements existed during the GATT period , but these were limited in thematic scope and signatory coverage, had fixed duration, and no real powers of enforcement (Capling 2001). By the end of the 1980s, the goal of developing a powerful institutional framework to regulate the rules of trade for world agriculture had become a cause célèbre within international trade diplomacy.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The long hangover from the second food regime: a world-historical interpretation of the collapse of the WTO Doha Round

Pritchard

2009

Agric Hum Values

100

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A benchmark question in contemporary food regimes scholarship is how to theorize agriculture's incorporation into the WTO. For the most part, it has been theorized as an institutional mechanism that facilitates the ushering in of a new, so-called 'third food regime', in which food-society relations are governed by the overarching politics of the market. The collapse of the Doha Round negotiations in July 2008 makes it possible, for the first time, to offer a conclusive assessment as to whether this is the case. Using a broadly conceived world-historical framework, this article contends that the WTO is more appropriately theorized as a carryover from the politics of the crisis of the second food regime, rather than representing any putative successor. The Doha Round's collapse in Geneva in July 2008 should put an end to speculation of a WTO-led transformation of global food politics towards unfettered market rule; the supposed basis for a neo-liberalized 'third food regime'. Consequently, it is through analysis of the factors that framed the Doha Round's collapse, rather than in the WTO itself, that provide insights into the defining elements of a new global politics of food.

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Australia and the Global Trade System

Cited by 166 publications

References 0 publications

Coming to Terms with Leisure and Globalization

Coming to Terms with Leisure and Globalization

In the National Interest: Dominions' Support for Britain and the Commonwealth after the Second World War

The long hangover from the second food regime: a world-historical interpretation of the collapse of the WTO Doha Round

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