Australia’s Response to China in the Pacific: From Alert to Alarmed

Varrall, Merriden

doi:10.22459/ca.2021.03

Cited by 4 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…Several studies have explored Australia's unilateral diplomacy toward the Pacific region in response to China's increasing presence (Hameiri, 2015; Varrall, 2021; Wallis et al, 2022; Wilson, 2019). For example, Hameiri (2015) argues that China's emergence in the region has sparked a debate in Australian society, questioning whether its governance efforts are being undermined by Chinese engagements.…”

Section: Analytical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For example, Hameiri (2015) argues that China's emergence in the region has sparked a debate in Australian society, questioning whether its governance efforts are being undermined by Chinese engagements. Varrall (2021) maintains that Australia, concerned about China's potential establishment of a military foothold in the region, launched the 2018 Step‐Up policy to purposely strengthen economic cooperation and security partnerships with PICs and promote people‐to‐people relations. Others have highlighted Australia's joint engagements with its allies in countering China's drive to the Pacific region (Köllner, 2020; Townshend et al, 2022; Wallis & Powles, 2021).…”

Section: Analytical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Australia is concerned about China's growing interest and how this may affect its interest given that China has sought to change the norms of the international system (Varrall, 2021). Australia's position reflects the perception that China posed a threat to the rules‐based, open, and transparent system.…”

Section: Australia's Differentiation Approach As Economic Statecraftmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Maintaining influence through economic statecraft: Australia's response to China's presence in the Pacific region

Yoshimatsu,

Maso

2024

Asian Politics and Policy

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Australia has historically been a prominent diplomatic partner for the Pacific Island countries, providing development assistance to support their social and economic progress. China gradually heightened its political and economic influence in the Pacific area by integrating the region into its Belt and Road Initiative. This development has encouraged scholars to examine Australia's diplomatic engagements in the Pacific region in response to China's growing presence. This article approaches this issue by using the concept of economic statecraft as an analytical tool. It argues that Australia's reactions to China's presence through the infusion of strategic motivations into foreign aid and the use of multilateral agreements and initiatives can be seen as positive economic statecraft with two characterizations: emulation of China's successful strategies and differentiation from Chinese approaches through the incorporation of multilateral and ideational methods.

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Section: Analytical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Analytical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Australia's Differentiation Approach As Economic Statecraftmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Maintaining influence through economic statecraft: Australia's response to China's presence in the Pacific region

Yoshimatsu,

Maso

2024

Asian Politics and Policy

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“…Given corruption is a 'feature' of the BRI, and it has been found to 'linger after project implementation has ended', the lack of transparency and accountability of BRI projects is cause for concern (Hillman, 2020, p. 9;Varrall, 2021, p. 114). O'Dowd (2021 argued that BRI investments 'may exacerbate PNG's challenges with corruption, public sector management and poor governance by offering less regulated funding opportunities for projects of dubious development value'.…”

Section: Investment Opportunities: 'Everything Depends On Favours'mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Chinese in Papua New Guinea: Past, Present and Future

2024

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Guide to Gender and Classifiers (OUP, forthcoming), in addition to a general interest book I Saw the Dog: How Language Works (London, Profile Books). Her current focus is on the integration of language and society and the ways of conceptualising disease and well-being in minority languages and cultures, and investigation of languages and cultures of Amazonia and New Guinea, including a comprehensive grammar of Yalaku, from East Sepik. xiii CONTRIBUTORS Shaun Gessler is an anthropology PhD candidate from the Australian National University's Department of Pacific Affairs. His thesis investigates the relationship between the Chinese majority-run Ramu Nickel Cobalt Project in Papua New Guinea and the indigenous communities on whose land the mine is located. Shaun has professional experience in Papua New Guinea working and volunteering in international development, which underpins his research interests in the anthropology of development, the social impacts of resource extraction and China's rise in the Pacific.Cathy Hair has broad experience in tropical aquaculture and fisheries. She has been involved with projects in the Pacific Islands region for more than two decades, working on aquaculture commodities for livelihoods and food security. In 2020 she completed her PhD, a multidisciplinary thesis on development of community-based sea cucumber mariculture in Papua New Guinea. Cathy is an Adjunct Fellow within the College of Arts, Society and Education at James Cook University and the School of Science, Technology and Engineering at the University of the Sunshine Coast.

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“…The second condition is to ensure that no adversary of Western interests establishes a strategic foothold in the region from which it could launch attacks on the Australian mainland or threaten allies access to sea routes (Wallis & Wesley, 2016). Defence white papers have made it clear since the 1970s that the regions near Australia need to be kept secure, stable, and able to intercept any adversaries before they reach Australia (Varrall, 2021). According to Devetak and True (2006), since 9/11, Australia has been much more sensitive to threats arising out of political instability in PICs and their ramifications for Australia.…”

Section: Security and Aidmentioning

confidence: 99%

Aid Securitisation: An analysis of Australian and New Zealand Aid Discourses, Allocations, and Institutions

Steel

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There is a growing perception that aid discourses and allocations are favouring national and international security at the expense of social and sustainable development goals. This research explores the extent and features of such a shift in the cases of Australian and New Zealand aid to the Pacific Islands region across a decade and a half—a period characterised by increasing Chinese engagement. This research explores the process of securitisation of Australian and New Zealand aid at three distinct (but interconnected) levels: that of the securitisation of the aid discourse, its reflection in aid allocations, and the institutional structure of the respective aid agencies. I observe the evolution of development paradigms (social development, sustainable development, and security) in the aid discourse. This is done by means of content analysis of Australian and New Zealand key strategic aid documents. I also explore the shift in the aid budgets and allocations as well as changes in the institutional structure of Australia and New Zealand’s aid agencies. Evidence of aid securitisation is found (to varying extents) in Australia and New Zealand aid discourses, allocations, and institutions. However, this trend is not homogeneous, showing the divergences between Australia and New Zealand’s aid approaches. Analysis of key strategic aid documents does not reveal clear evidence of aid securitisation at the discourse level, with the security paradigm only found to represent a minor part, while the social and sustainable development paradigms represent the dominant and subdominant parts of the aid discourse. As for aid allocations, Australia and New Zealand are found to be security driven donors, allocating aid to social and sustainable development goals, after recipients are chosen on geostrategic grounds, representing clear evidence of aid securitisation. Lastly, the mergers of aid agencies into their respective foreign affairs departments and shifts in aid focus also represent clear evidence of aid securitisation. What appears to have changed from 2005-2021 is that different emphasis has been given to different paradigms and motives. In that regard, shifts in international agreements and practices on aid, regional imperatives and domestic policies have had the greatest influence on Australia and New Zealand’s aid approaches.

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Australia’s Response to China in the Pacific: From Alert to Alarmed

Cited by 4 publications

References 13 publications

Maintaining influence through economic statecraft: Australia's response to China's presence in the Pacific region

Maintaining influence through economic statecraft: Australia's response to China's presence in the Pacific region

The Chinese in Papua New Guinea: Past, Present and Future

Aid Securitisation: An analysis of Australian and New Zealand Aid Discourses, Allocations, and Institutions

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