Australian academics: Career patterns, work roles, and family life-cycle commitments of men and women

Abstract

Abstract. Men and women who held a full-time appointment at lecturer level and above in Australian universities in 1988 were compared in terms of the career paths they had followed, geographic mobility, domestic responsibilities, work roles, and levels of performance as an academic. Women had more often spent a period outside the workforce or in part-time employment due to childcare responsibilities. They more frequently had followed their partners to another city or country, they more often had been a tutor (a non-tenurable position) before becoming a lecturer. The survey indicated that substantially more women than men pursuing a full-time career as an academic were combining substantial household labour and childcare with employment. However, even when number of children and ages of children were considered, there were no differences between men and women in self-rated performance in such academic roles as research, teaching, and administration. The results are discussed with reference to the question of why in numerical terms there have been so few women academics in Australian universities.

Gender inequalities in transnational academic mobility and the ideal type of academic entrepreneur

“…Compared to male academics female scientists more frequently follow their partners to another city or country (Bronstein, 2001;Ledin, Bornmann, Gallon & Wallon, 2007). In addition male scientists often report that their wives had followed them as a consequence of their changing jobs while this is rarely the case for female academics (Romanin & Over, 1993). Traditional gender roles are still prevalent and independently of the educational and professional status of the spouse her mobility is more 'tied' to that of their male partner than vice versa (Ackers, 2004).…”

Recruitment of men and women as academics by Australian universities

“…As a result, women are disadvantaged through being less likely than men to have overseas qualifications and experience (see Gale 1980). Consistent with the proposition that family life-cycle commitments inhibit the career development of women more than men, women in tenure-level positions in Australian universities are considerably less likely than male academics or than women in the population in general to be married or to have children (see Romanin and Over 1993).…”

“…At the time of initial appointment fewer than 40% of the men and the women was a parent. In a survey of Australian academics, Romanin and Over (1993) found that women at lecturer level and above were substantially more likely than their male colleagues not to have had children or to have experienced career interruption (a period in part-time employment or outside the workforce) in providing child care. The cost of career development for many women is to remain childless.…”

“…Consistent with reports of limited change over several decades in the division of household labour in Australian families (Bryson 1983;Antill and Cotton 1988), women academics have been identified in several Australian surveys (e.g. Cass et al 1983;Romanin and Over 1993) as more likely than male academics to have primary responsibility for child-care and day-to-day management of the household. Women academics with children experience career discontinuity (intervals outside the workforce, in part-time employment, or in a less demanding job) more than their male colleagues.…”

“…Marriage is also much more likely to limit the geographic mobility of women than men. In a study of Australian academics Romanin and Over (1993) found that wives often moved to further the husband's career despite interruption to their own career, but moves that gave priority to the wife's career were rarely made. As a result, women are disadvantaged through being less likely than men to have overseas qualifications and experience (see Gale 1980).…”