Avoiding Paralysis: The Eastern Enlargement and the Council of the European Union

Pařízek, Michal; Hosli, Madeleine O.; Plechanovová, Běla

doi:10.1080/07036337.2015.1034276

Cited by 7 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…Quite simply, ministers do not find the time to engage with EU politics as much as they used to. This seems to be in line with previous results showing a growing prominence of COREPER and Council working groups compared to the ministerial sessions (Parizek, Hosli, and Plechanovova 2015).…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 93%

“…An important imperative for a state or government is to make sure it is not out-ranked in such exchanges. In addition, a systematic replacement of political leaders in the Council by bureaucrats may have important functional and normative consequences, where formal decision-making responsibility resides with political leaders, but de facto control is increasingly in the hands of unelected officials (Häge 2008(Häge , 2013Parizek, Hosli, and Plechanovova 2015).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Participation of ministers in Council of the EU meetings: variation across members and decline over time

Vlček

Pařízek

2021

Journal of European Integration

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We formulate and test a comprehensive model of participation by ministers in sessions of the Council of the EU. Ministers often delegate the task of representing their governments at Council sessions to deputies or civil servants. However, EU members differ significantly in how frequently that occurs. Using new data on ministers' participation in all 793 Council sessions in 2004-2014, we find (1) that ministers choose to participate more frequently when the salience of the meeting agenda is higher and (2) when they represent countries with more advanced politicaladministrative systems. The participation rates decrease (3) when national governments face upcoming legislative elections. Ministerial participation dramatically increases (4) for a country when it holds the Council presidency. Contrary to our expectations, participation is not associated with public support for the EU. In addition, we find that average ministerial participation rate decreased significantly between EP6 and EP7, from around 76% to around 64%.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 93%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Participation of ministers in Council of the EU meetings: variation across members and decline over time

Vlček

Pařízek

2021

Journal of European Integration

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“…Some argue that eastern enlargement has led to a new East-West cleavage in the Council (Mattila, 2009) and that different factors, such as vote weight, budget benefits from the EU, or government positions (left-right, EU integration), are driving voting behavior in old and new member states (Hosli, Mattila, & Uriot, 2011). Other authors note that the paralysis in EU decision-making that was awaited as a result of eastern enlargement did not materialize (Hagemann & de Clerck-Sachsse, 2007;Parízek, Hosli, & Plechanovová, 2015;Toshkov, 2017). While the success of pre-accession conditionality or post-accession socialization might partially explain this, the new member states' policy prefer-ences were unclear or matched already existing conflict lines within the Council.…”

Section: Post-accession Decision-making In Eu Energy and Climate Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While the success of pre-accession conditionality or post-accession socialization might partially explain this, the new member states' policy prefer-ences were unclear or matched already existing conflict lines within the Council. Adding to this, institutional solutions, such as delegation to lower echelons of decisionmaking, have helped to avoid gridlock (König & Junge, 2009;Parízek et al, 2015).…”

Section: Post-accession Decision-making In Eu Energy and Climate Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Political Economy of EU Climate and Energy Policies in Central and Eastern Europe Revisited: Shifting Coalitions and Prospects for Clean Energy Transitions

Ćetković

Buzogány

2019

PaG

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The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have commonly been regarded as climate and energy policy laggards blocking more ambitious EU decarbonization targets. Although recent literature has increasingly acknowledged the differences in national positions on energy and climate issues among these states, there has been little comprehensive evidence about their positioning on EU climate and energy policies and the domestic interests which shape government preferences. The article addresses this gap by tracing the voting behavior of six CEE countries (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania) on EU energy-related legislation in the Council of Ministers between 2007–2018. The article shows that the contestation of energy policies, particularly of climate-related legislation, in the Council of Ministers has increased over time and that these six CEE countries have indeed most often objected to the adoption of EU legislation. The CEE states do not, however, have a common regional positioning on all EU energy policies. Voting coalitions among the six CEE countries differ substantially across energy policy areas. The lack of a common regional position and changing national preferences have enabled the adoption of a relatively ambitious EU Energy and Climate Package for 2030. The differences in national voting patterns are explained by the evolving interests and the ability of key domestic political and economic actors to adapt to and explore benefits from the ever-expanding EU energy and climate policies.

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“…Second, there is a "folk theorem" on the effect of the number of negotiating governments. There is an ongoing debate whether enlargement has led to slowed down decision-making or to gridlock in secondary legislation (Golub, 2007;Hertz & Leuffen, 2011;Junge, König, & Luig, 2014;König, 2008;Parízek, Hosli, & Plechanovová, 2015). The basic conjecture is that more members lead to increased heterogeneity of political goals, preferences and beliefs (cf.…”

Section: Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union: Success, Failure, and Stability of Institutional Treaty Revisions

Dörfler

Holzinger

Biesenbender

2017

International Journal of Public Administration

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Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.Konstanzer Online-Publikations-System (KOPS) URL: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:352-2--fymwb7hdsr2t7Erschienen in

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Avoiding Paralysis: The Eastern Enlargement and the Council of the European Union

Cited by 7 publications

References 34 publications

Participation of ministers in Council of the EU meetings: variation across members and decline over time

Participation of ministers in Council of the EU meetings: variation across members and decline over time

The Political Economy of EU Climate and Energy Policies in Central and Eastern Europe Revisited: Shifting Coalitions and Prospects for Clean Energy Transitions

Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union: Success, Failure, and Stability of Institutional Treaty Revisions

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