Azerbaijan's Frustrating Elections

Alieva, Leila

doi:10.1353/jod.2006.0021

Cited by 16 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…The real evidence of the power of these new ideas and how they combined with old ones came when chaos in Russia during the 1917 October Revolution provided the people of Azerbaijan with the opportunity to achieve independence (Rasizade 2011). In 1918, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR) became the first secular democracy in the Muslim world (Alieva 2006), embodying the culmination of growing support for the 'Azerbaijani Enlightenment Movement' (Najafizadeh 2012: 83) among secular nationalists and the 'Jadid Movement' among Muslims who 'believed that the Muslim faith must respond to the cataclysmic changes brought on by the Industrial Revolution' (Karagiannis 2010: 48). The risk of violence along the Sunni-Shia divide was therefore mitigated as shared values of tolerance bound the Azerbaijani people along ethnic lines.…”

Section: Azerbaijani Multiculturalism: Reflections Of the Past?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…All of this led the people of Azerbaijan to pursue numerous fundamental political decisions that promoted peace, tolerance, and inclusion not just among the ethnic Azerbaijani or Muslim majority, but many other minorities. The short-lived ADR gave voting rights to women, another first in the Muslim world and notably earlier than most Western countries (Cornell 2011;Najafizadeh 2012); promoted socioeconomic equality through a market economy with a strong middle class (Alieva 2006); and, introduced a multi-party system led by the Musavat ('Equality') party with coalitions through proportional representation (Karagiannis 2010). Foreshadowing Western multiculturalism even more, the ADR ensured prominent ethno-cultural and religious groups would have guaranteed representation by providing them with parliamentary seats.…”

Section: Azerbaijani Multiculturalism: Reflections Of the Past?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Decolonial Feminism and Global Politics: Border Thinking and Vulnerability as a Knowing Otherwise

Garza¹

2021

Vulnerability and the Politics of Care

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Decolonial thinking has introduced border thinking as an epistemological position that contributes to a shift in the forms of knowing in which the world is thought from the concrete incarnated experiences of colonial difference and the wounds left. In this chapter, Argentinean feminist philosopher Maria Lugones’ (1992) interpretation of Gloria Anzaldua’s Borderlands foregrounds its main argument: border thinking as an embodied consciousness in which dualities and vulnerability are central for a decolonisation of how we think about the geo and body politics of knowledge, coloniality, political economy and of course, gender in International Relations and Global Politics.

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Section: Azerbaijani Multiculturalism: Reflections Of the Past?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Azerbaijani Multiculturalism: Reflections Of the Past?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Decolonial Feminism and Global Politics: Border Thinking and Vulnerability as a Knowing Otherwise

Garza¹

2021

Vulnerability and the Politics of Care

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“…This most obviously took place in the 2005 parliamentary elections when the main opposition parties (the Azerbaijan Popular Front Party (APFP), Musavat and the Azerbaijan Democratic Party), inspired by other ‘democratic revolutions’, united to form the coalition Azadlyq (Freedom). They tried to mobilize people in a post-election street protest, but it was brutally suppressed by the government (Alieva 2006; Valiyev 2006). An outburst of public protests that started in the aftermath of the Arab Spring in 2011 culminated in Azerbaijan in 2013.…”

Section: Failed ‘Revolutions’ and The Marginalization Of Oppositionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Resisting the Irresistible: ‘Failed Opposition’ in Azerbaijan and Belarus Revisited

Bedford¹,

Vinatier²

2018

Gov. & oppos.

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In recent literature on post-Soviet electoral revolutions in places where attempts at regime change through popular protest did not succeed, opposition groups are often simply regarded as ‘failed’. And yet, opposition actors exist and participate in the political life of their country. Building on the Belarusian and Azerbaijani cases, we argue that opposition actors are maintained in a ‘ghetto’, often virtual, tightly managed by the ruling authorities who exert monopolistic control over civic activities. Opposition actors adapt to the restricted conditions – accepting a certain level of dependency. They thus develop various tactics to engage with the outside, striving to reduce the ghetto walls. To this end this article proposes a typology of what we call oppositional ‘resistance models’: electoral, in the media, lobbying and through education. The models highlight what makes ‘opposition’ in authoritarian states and are a step towards a more comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon in this context.

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“…Hans regering fick sitta mindre a ¨n ett a ˚r innan familjen Aliyev tog o ¨ver makten. Folkfronten blev da tillsammans med partiet Musavat (arvtagare till ledarna fo ¨r den kortlivade sja ¨lvsta ¨ndiga Demokratiska Republiken Azerbajdzjan 1918Á20) stommen i oppositionen (Alieva 2006(Alieva , 2013. Elektorala autokratier a ¨r regimer da ¨r oppositionspartier fo ¨rlorar valen, konstaterar Schedler (2009b: 179).…”

Section: Val Stabilitet Och Osa ¨Kerhetens Politikunclassified

Val för att bevara status quo: elektoral autokrati och stabilitet i Azerbajdzjan

Bedford¹

2016

Nordisk Østforum

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Electoral autocracies have become the world's most common form of non-democratic rule. In hegemonic autocracies in particular, where the president, or his party, always wins by more than 70 percent of the vote, the electoral process comes across as mere windowdressing. Still, both the regime and the opposition take elections seriously. Why? What role do elections play? The article deals with this question while focusing on the Azerbaijani 2013 presidential election, and consists of three parts. The first is a theoretical introduction dedicated to electoral autocracies and authoritarian stability. The next summarizes the election, stressing its purpose for the opposition. The third part analyses whether and how the election contributed to strengthening the authoritarian regime. The study concludes that developments during and after the election year are an illustration of what in previous research is sometimes referred to as the politics of insecurity. Even though the opposition ''lost'', the relative success of their campaign indicated that change might, after all, be possible. The regime, depending on regular multi-party elections for its democratic alibi, did not appreciate the uncertainty and tried to minimize it by using the ''three pillars'' on which authoritarian states' stability can be said to rest: legitimacy, repression and cooptation.

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Azerbaijan's Frustrating Elections

Cited by 16 publications

References 0 publications

Decolonial Feminism and Global Politics: Border Thinking and Vulnerability as a Knowing Otherwise

Decolonial Feminism and Global Politics: Border Thinking and Vulnerability as a Knowing Otherwise

Resisting the Irresistible: ‘Failed Opposition’ in Azerbaijan and Belarus Revisited

Val för att bevara status quo: elektoral autokrati och stabilitet i Azerbajdzjan

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