Ballots and barricades enhanced: far‐right ‘movement parties’ and movement‐electoral interactions

Abstract

Far‐right organisations offer an ideal common ground to bridge the scholarships on social movements and party politics. Indeed, they can be often interpreted as ‘movement parties’, i.e. hybrid collective actors spurring from the protest arena and translating social movement practices in the arena of party competition. This contribution enhances our understanding of the contemporary far right by focusing on the neglected links between movements and elections within the broader context of contention. The article assesses and refines propositions about such interactions through the adoption of a specific framework, ultimately showing that the Hungarian Jobbik consistently subscribed to the linkage mechanisms discussed.

The role of economic and cultural changes in the rise of far‐right in Greece: A regional analysis

“…Far‐right populist parties also express a “yearning for closure” by promising a journey back in time; they are “fundamentalist,” envisioning a return to cultural/ethnic foundations (Van der Walt, 2019). Many of these parties have a strong element of street politics and can be seen as movement parties, too (Pirro, 2019). Similarly, many of them are anti‐establishment, voicing anti‐political messages and thriving on the protest vote.…”

Rebuilding the Hungarian right through conquering civil society: the Civic Circles Movement

“…While community building through civic associational life was crucial for solidifying and extending the social foundations of right-wing politics, the frequent acts of contention were key to controlling, resisting, and combating Medgyessy's left-liberal government. The alliance with the circles allowed Fidesz to kill two birds with one stone: by encouraging their militancy, Fidesz could adopt the practices of constant campaigning from the farright movement parties' repertoire (Pirro 2019) without, however, becoming a far-right organisation or giving up cultivation of the skills needed in conventional politics. In the latter, again, the party could rely on the assistance of movement activists.…”

Close ever, distant never? Integrating protest event and social network approaches into the transformation of the Hungarian far right

“…The second problem relates to the separation between fringe movements and parties, and the neglect of one or the other in the assessment of politics at the margins. The neat partition of work between the scholarship on social movements and political parties is often grounded in the perception that these actors operate in different arenas and are motivated by different goals – the far right being a fitting case in point (Castelli Gattinara and Pirro, 2018; Pirro, 2019; Pirro and Castelli Gattinara, 2018; Rydgren, 2007).…”

“…Extra-parliamentary mobilizations are deep-seated in Jobbik's own history. Jobbik was thrust into the limelight following the 2006 anti-government riots and, most notably, through the activities of the paramilitary-like Magyar Ga´rda (Hungarian Guard) 6 -contentious activities substantiating a pronounced interaction with the movement sector (Pirro, 2019). In 2009, moreover, Jobbik signed a formal cooperation agreement with the Hatvanne´gy Va´rmegye Ifju´sa´gi Mozgalom (HVIM; Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement), 7 Betya´rsereg (Army of Outlaws) and Magyar Ga´rda -organizations standing at the extremist fringe of the Hungarian far-right network.…”

“…The 2010 general elections hence brought seismic changes, which helped reconfigure the status quo described so far. The landslide victory of Fidesz 2 and the entry to parliament of the far-right Jobbik Magyarorsza´ge´rt Mozgalom (Jobbik; Movement for a Better Hungary) have set in motion a large-scale process of mobilization reconcilable with an enduring shift in the country's electoral regime (McAdam and Tarrow, 2010;Pirro, 2019). 3 Right-wing domination has been uncontested ever since, with steady support from over two-thirds of the electorate who have voted for either of the two parties through three consecutive national elections (2010, 2014 and 2018).…”