Bangladesh and UN Peacekeeping: The Participation of a 'Small' State

Krishnasamy, Kabilan

doi:10.1080/713999607

Cited by 15 publications

(9 citation statements)

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“…2 To this date, Lisbon has deployed to 56 NATO missions, to 21 EU operations and missions and to 37 UN operations. 3 Although the participation of small states in PSO is not the scope of this article, more recent works on this subject are Heng (2012), Krishnasamy (2003) and Bin Ahmad (2002). On the Nordic PK, see, for instance, the entire issue of International Peacekeeping, 14(4), August 2007; Jakobsen (1998Jakobsen ( , 2006 and Bergman (2004).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Portugal: An Instrumental Approach to Peace Support Operations

Pinto

2014

Journal of Contemporary European Studies

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Until recently, in per capita terms, Portugal was one of the most significant European contributors to international United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations around the world. In the last few years, European Union and NATO missions and operations have topped deployment to UN operations. One can thus state that participation in peace support operations (PSO) has become a lodestar of Portuguese defence and foreign policies. The range of forces deployed, as well as the geographical diversity of deployment attest to the ambition and effort made by the Portuguese governments in becoming relevant in international affairs through PSO in the last 30 years. Given the limitations of a small power as Portugal, specialisation in the field of PSO is an asset for its positioning on the international scene, endowing it with a more active voice in matters of collective security and access to leadership positions.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Portugal: An Instrumental Approach to Peace Support Operations

Pinto

2014

Journal of Contemporary European Studies

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“…While some stress a 'robust' attitude to peacekeeping (e.g. Australia, USA) relying heavily on a demonstration of the willingness to use lethal force, others stress a softer approach (notably Bangladesh, see Krishnasamy 2003), reaching out to communities with civic projects.…”

Section: Imagining and Performing The Peacekeepermentioning

confidence: 98%

Reliable Professionals, Sensitive Dads and Tough Fighters

Mäki-Rahkola¹,

Myrttinen²

2013

International Feminist Journal of Politics

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The significance and complexity of mostly male-dominated military peacekeeping forces continues to grow globally, as does the complexity of the masculinities performed in them. This article discusses the discourses and performances of peacekeeper masculinities, drawing on a qualitative case study of Finnish peacekeeping forces. The self-image of Finland as a provider of ideal peacekeepers and practising progressive gender policy is critically analysed. Taking the notion of multiple masculinities as a starting point, three indicative categories of Finnish peacekeeper masculinities are examined. Discourses of 'amateur professionals' and 'peacekeeper fathers' create space for military peacekeepers to show aspects of masculinity not associated with traditional military masculinities. The third discourse of 'tough fighters', however, harks back to more traditional 'warrior' concepts. Official gender mainstreaming efforts and assumptions that these attitudes are internalized 'naturally' by Finns are put into question by deprecatory or ambiguous attitudes towards gender equity and sexual exploitation. Despite being part of multi-national forces, peacekeeper masculinities are defined based on presumed notions of 'national character'.---

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“…Hence, governments have systematically encouraged the armed forces to find alternative financial revenues (Siddiqa, 2007: 50). Most importantly, Bangladesh has become a leading troop contributor to United Nations peacekeeping operations (Krishnasamy, 2003). Between 2000 and 2010, 6 per cent of BAF personnel, on average, were participating in peacekeeping missions (see Figure 6.2).…”

Section: Strategiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While the BNP cabinets have followed the policies of the Zia and Ershad military regimes, using Islam as a symbol of legitimacy and sometimes taking an anti-Indian position (Bhardwaj, 2003;Sikri, 2009), this is not a consequence of military influence over foreign policy-making; rather, it reflects the ideological roots of the nationalist conservative party and its Islamic coalition partners. Decisions about participating in UN peacekeeping missions are made by the government, although concerns about civil-military relations also play an important role (Krishnasamy, 2003). On the other hand, due to the institutional weakness of the state, a general lack of civilian competence and resources in dealing with crises, and 'dysfunctional politics, .…”

Section: Elective Dictatorship and Patrimonialization Of The Militarymentioning

confidence: 99%