Bare adjectives as syncretic forms

Suñer, Avel·lina; Tullio, Ángela Di

doi:10.7557/1.3.1.2751

Cited by 9 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…3 C-constructions are found in most Romance languages (cf. Hill 2007, 2012, Rodríguez-Espiñeira 2014, Suñer & Di Tullio 2014, Cruschina 2015, López-Couso & Méndez-Naya 2015, Cruschina & Remberger 2017 and are also possible in a delimited register of English (cf.…”

Section: Clear(ly) Evident(ly) Obvious(ly))mentioning

confidence: 99%

Variation in C

2018

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The object of study of this paper is a Romance construction characterized by the presence of the complementizer in root clauses and by an evidential or epistemic meaning (i.e. Cconstructions). In these structures, the complementizer is preceded by a functional element that morphologically coincides with an adjective or an adverb. From a morphosyntactic viewpoint, we show that these structures are monoclausal and that the epistemic or evidential item preceding the complementizer has undergone a process of grammaticalization becoming a functional element. As for their use and interpretation, we describe their primary semantic meaning, as well as their pragmatic extensions and functions which involve subjectification and intersubjectivity. We finally propose a syntactic configuration that can account for Cconstructions and their properties in the syntax representation. This configuration involves the assumption of a projectionin fact, a set of projectionsabove ForceP which encode speakeroriented and pragmatic features (e.g. evaluative, evidential, epistemic values).

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Section: Clear(ly) Evident(ly) Obvious(ly))mentioning

confidence: 99%

Variation in C

2018

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“…On the basis of the Configurational Theory of Argument Structure and related work), Bartra & Suñer (1997), Di Tullio & Suñer (2011) and Suñer & Di Tullio (2014) relate the degree of syntactic cohesion that adverbial adjectives establish with the verbal head with their lack of agreement. More specifically, Bartra & Suñer (1997) argue that the default agreement can be derived from the fact that these elements are predicates of an empty category selected by the V at Lexical Conceptual Structure.…”

Section: Bibliographymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…More specifically, Bartra & Suñer (1997) argue that the default agreement can be derived from the fact that these elements are predicates of an empty category selected by the V at Lexical Conceptual Structure. Di Tullio & Suñer (2011) and Suñer & Di Tullio (2014), in turn, suggest that the lack of agreement is due to the fact that adverbial adjectives cannot check their agreement features against the gender and number features of their respective subjects before Spell-Out. 5 The aim of this article is to argue that the distribution of adverbial adjectives within the VP domain displays a hierarchical order, which correlates with the different levels of the argument structure of the predicate they are related to.…”

Section: Bibliographymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…J.speak.pst.3sg clear/clearly at the meeting. (Suñer & Di Tullio 2014: 24) For an analysis of these types of adverb, see Suñer & Di Tullio (2014). Our paper will only discuss higher (modal/evidential) speech act, evaluative, and epistemic adverbs, all of which are only referred to in Suñer & Di Tullio (2014: 30) as base generated in the higher functional field of the left periphery.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…also in intermediate or final position. Other examples that might appear to be instances of Type-A adverbial adjectives (A1) turn out, on closer inspection, to be either secondary predicates or VP-internal adverbs, such as those analysed by Suñer & Di Tullio (2014).…”

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Adjective Adverb Interfaces in Romance

Hummel¹,

Valera²

2017

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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adverbial inflection or adverbial agreement anticipated in the previous chapter by Hummel (here illustrated with Ledgeway's examples for Italian):(4) Maria parla svelta/svelto 'Maria is a quick-talker/is talking quickly'(5) (?)da Forgione pagherai queste scarpe salatamente/salate 'You'll pay for these shoes dearly at Forgione's'The resulting overview brings to light a dissimilar spread of adverbial agreement across Romance, ranging from varieties where it is not recorded to others with varying degrees of morphological realization of agreement marks, all of which make up a system of four basic patterns labelled 'Pattern 1', 'Pattern 2', 'Pattern 3' and 'Pattern 4'. This chapter also remarks that languages that maintain forms with and without adverbial marks like -ment in French or -mente in Spanish appear to behave similarly to varieties where the so-called adjectival adverbs are in frequent use.Cruschina and Remberger's chapter (Before the complementizer: Adverb types and root clause modification) widens the scope of the book to the sentence level and also to a contrastive approach in Romance. Set within a generative theoretical framework, it contrasts complemented sentence-initial adjectives and adverbs. The grammaticalization of these structures also affects the function of the complementizer, which can no longer be interpreted as a marker of subordination (here illustrated with examples from Italian, Spanish, English and French):(6) (It.)Certo che potevamo impegnarci un po' di più 'We could have certainly made a greater effort. '(Sp.) Claro que no tiene ningún interés 'He clearly doesn't have any interest. ' (8) (En.) Obviously that the Achilles was giving him a bit of a problem (9) (Fr.) Probablement que ce n'est pas leur faute 'It probably isn't their fault. 'The structures are classified as types (A, B) according to their adverbs. The generative approach offers a description of all these structures under one label, 'C-constructions', as root clauses consisting of an element displaying various degrees of grammaticalization and scoping over a sentence. The various degrees of grammaticalization entail various outcomes. In fact, the chapter carries further relevant implications beyond those that can arise from the study of these specific

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From verum to epistemic modality and evidentiality

Kocher

2017

JHL

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In this article, I investigate the diachronic development of a construction in Modern Spanish. It consists of an epistemic or evidential modifier followed by the complementizer (hence Adv+C) that heads root clauses (Seguro Adv que C viene ‘Surely he/she will come’). I demonstrate that the distributional, semantic, and pragmatic properties support a monoclausal analysis for Modern Spanish Adv+C as well as for its historical source construction. I propose a cartographic analysis associating Adv+C and the source construction with a low position in Rizzi’s split CP. Supported by corpus data, I identify a verum focus construction (Aff+C) as the origin of Adv+C. I claim that the loss of the verum interpretation triggers the reanalysis of the construction. This ultimately gives rise to its productive extension to other epistemic and evidential modifiers.

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Bare adjectives as syncretic forms

Cited by 9 publications

References 13 publications

Variation in C

Variation in C

Adjective Adverb Interfaces in Romance

From verum to epistemic modality and evidentiality

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