Bare nominals in Catalan and Spanish. Their structure and meaning

Espinal, M. Teresa

doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2009.06.002

Cited by 75 publications

(62 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…13 Espinal (2010) further notes that bare singulars in Catalan are restricted to predicates that allow an interpretation where the predicate (verb+bare singular) denotes a characterising property of the subject. This assumption explains the contrast between (ia) and (ib).…”

Section: Bare Nouns In Greekmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Topic Strategies and the Internal Structure of Nominal Arguments in Greek and Italian

Alexopoulou

Folli

2019

Linguistic Inquiry

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The paper investigates investigates how Italian and Greek employ Clitic Left Dislocation (clld) to encode discourse topics. Greek is sensitive to the definiteness/referentiality of the topic, employing clld exclusively for referential topics and resorting to Topicalisation for non-referential/property denoting topics. By contrast, clld is the main topic-strategy in Italian including non-referential/property denoting topics. This contrast is shown to mirror variation in more general patterns of anaphoric relations in the two languages, which, in turn, relate to the structure of nominal arguments: the fact that Greek non-referential indefinites systematically involve bare nouns which may be dropped rather than picked up by a pronoun in intrasentential anaphora contexts; the fact that Italian indefinites always involve a determiner and Italian pronouns can support property anaphora.The hypothesis is that the crosslignuistic variation in the anaphoric and clld patterns is the consequence of structural variation in the syntax of nominal arguments. Greek * We would like to thank the audiences of the following workshops and conferences:

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Section: Bare Nouns In Greekmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(ia) involves a characterising property of the external argument, that of car-owner, while (ib) does not. Building on Espinal and McNally (2007), Espinal (2010) assumes that only "have"-predicates are compatible with these characterising interpretations. Example (ib), then, is bad because it cannot be analysed as a "have" predicate.…”

Section: Bare Nouns In Greekmentioning

confidence: 99%

Topic Strategies and the Internal Structure of Nominal Arguments in Greek and Italian

Alexopoulou

Folli

2019

Linguistic Inquiry

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“…24 These are converted via inflectional morphology, which we introduce in 50b via a syntactic Num(ber) projection, into properties of token entities (see e.g. Farkas & de Swart 2003, McNally & Boleda 2004, Déprez 2005, Espinal 2010, Mueller-Reichau 2011, and references cited there for related proposals). In this latter representation, R is Carlson's (1977) realization relation, and we assume here that existential closure binds off the kind variable in the representation of the noun in 50b, though alternative techniques could be used for assigning a value to this variable.…”

Section: 2mentioning

confidence: 99%

Distributional modification: The case of frequency adjectives

Gehrke¹,

McNally²

2015

lan

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We argue that distributional modification is one strategy that language affords for composing propositions about the quantity of entities that participate in a given situation. Distributional modifiers apply to kind descriptions, contributing the entailment that the kind is instantiated by a set of tokens with a particular distribution. As a case study, we analyze frequency adjectives (FAs, e.g. occasional). We show that previous work, including our own, has suffered for focusing on the paraphrases of FAs rather than on their morphosyntax. We argue for two subclasses of FAs: those that are intersective modifiers sortally restricted to events, and those that are not. The study reinforces two novel theoretical claims in Gehrke & McNally 2011: sometimes kinds are realized by sets of tokens, rather than individual tokens; and some clauses constitute descriptions of event kinds, rather than event tokens.*

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“…The literature contains various proposals for how to analyse such uses, but they are typically regarded as distinct from the mass uses discussed in this paper. For instance, Espinal (2010) analyses such bare 'count' nominals in Spanish and Catalan as denoting number-neutral properties of kinds. Borthen (2003) analyses the corresponding Norwegian uses as being singular but 'type-emphasising', implying nonpartitivity and nonreferentiality.…”

Section: Senses Are Linguistically Markedmentioning

confidence: 99%

The lexical pragmatics of count-mass polysemy

Falkum

2017

S&P

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Bare nominals in Catalan and Spanish. Their structure and meaning

Cited by 75 publications

References 37 publications

Topic Strategies and the Internal Structure of Nominal Arguments in Greek and Italian

Topic Strategies and the Internal Structure of Nominal Arguments in Greek and Italian

Distributional modification: The case of frequency adjectives

The lexical pragmatics of count-mass polysemy

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