Behind the Mule

Dawson, Michael C.

doi:10.2307/j.ctvzxx9d4

Cited by 27 publications

(34 citation statements)

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“…Aaronette White (1999, p. 77) explained that experiences of marginalization help to promote the success of frame alignment strategies linked to "racialized, gendered, and class-based micromobilization." Joseph McCormick and Sekou Franklin (2000) demonstrated that micromobilization may depend on participants' degree of racial consciousness (see also Dawson 1994). Eric Swank and Breanne Fahs (2013) documented that these strategies were also relevant for sexual minorities.…”

Section: Insert Figure 3 About Herementioning

confidence: 99%

Intersectionality at the grassroots

Heaney

2019

Politics, Groups, and Identities

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Intersectional activism is organizing that addresses more than one structure of oppression in the struggle for social justice. The rise of the Women's March as a massive effort to mobilize women primarily on the basis of gender coincided with calls for it to pay greater attention to intersectionality. This study considers the effectiveness of the Women's March at using intersectional activism as a collective action frame. Drawing on surveys conducted at Women's March events in five cities and four other Washington, DC activist events in 2018, this study examines the extent to which activists think that the movements should place a priority on intersectional activism. The results show that participants in Women's March events were more supportive of prioritizing intersectional activism than were activists at comparable protest events that were not mobilized using intersectional collective action frames. Furthermore, the results demonstrate that ideology may be a barrier to embracing intersectional activism, with more moderate and conservative activists placing a lower priority on intersectionality than did more liberal activists. Women's March activists were more likely to prioritize intersectional activism if they were trans-or LGBTQIA+-identified, or if they had a history of backing intersectionally marginalized causes, than if they did not.

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confidence: 99%

Intersectionality at the grassroots

Heaney

2019

Politics, Groups, and Identities

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“…Compared to African Americans' racial identity which historically has been very high (Welch et al 2001, 95;Dawson 1994), group consciousness among Latinos is relatively low.…”

Section: Chapter 5: Immigration Enforcement and Latino Identitymentioning

confidence: 91%

“…The majority of studies looking at identity focus on broad demographic characteristics, such as minority group size (Welch et al 2001;Lau 1989), or on individual-level traits including national origin (Masuoka 2006) or educational status (Dawson 1994;Tate 1994), ignoring the role of policy. In doing so, these studies miss how government systematically biases which types of groups are likely to form and grow.…”

Section: Feedback For the Direct Target Groupmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Living in areas with a high police presence is likely to weaken blacks' racial identity by eroding neighborhood institutions and social capital that are essential for building strong group ties. High levels of criminal justice enforcement in an area removes resources from the community, making it difficult to maintain basic institutions such as churches and schools that are important for building feelings of black racial solidarity (Lynch and Sabol 2004;Dawson 1994;Marable 1983). Thus blacks living in these neighborhoods-those in the direct target group-have few places to go to maintain strong racial identity.…”

Section: Americansmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…My models control for individual level characteristics known to shape racial identity including age, sex, partisan identification, and church attendance (Dawson 1994). Ingroup size has also been shown to affect feelings of racial identity (Welch et al 2001;Lau 1989).…”

Section: Measuring Target Group Status and Identitymentioning

confidence: 99%

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The political origins of racial and ethnic inequality

Maltby¹

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Policy feedback theory argues that public policies shape mass political behavior by teaching citizens about their relationship to government. However, most studies assume that the entire public has a uniform reaction to policy. I reevaluate this assumption by examining how feedback from policy varies by groups and across contexts. I argue that, because policy sends different signals to those targeted by policy than to those outside policy's target group, these groups should have opposite reactions to the way policy is implemented in their community.And, for those targeted by policy, feedback effects should depend on how likely individuals' are to have direct contact with policy. I also argue that since policy is not created or implemented in isolation, scholars must also examine how residential context affects where we are likely to see feedback effects and where the effects of policy will be muted.The first half of the dissertation tests my arguments by exploring how criminal justice policy affects the political behavior of blacks and whites. Using data from two national surveys and information on racial inequalities in local law enforcement, I find that racially skewed criminal justice outcomes is linked with stronger feelings of racial identity for highly educated blacks and stronger feelings of national identity for blacks with low levels of education. I also find that racially unequal criminal justice enforcement is associated with negative political orientations and lower rates of participation for highly educated blacks. Whites, however, respond positively to similar criminal justice outcomes when they reside in areas with large black populations. The effect of criminal justice policy on political behavior for both blacks and whites is stronger in contexts where policy is more salient-areas with large black populations.iii In the second half of the dissertation, I analyze how immigration enforcement affects the identities and attitudes of Latinos and Anglos. Here, I use data from two national public opinion surveys and information on county-level immigration enforcement to test my arguments. I find that native-born Latinos are more likely to feel tied to their ethnic group in areas with a large foreign-born population where many immigrants are deported. Foreign-born Latinos' ethnic identity is unaffected by policy. I also find that high levels of immigration enforcement are associated with less restrictive immigration attitudes for foreign-and native-born Latinos, especially in areas with large foreign-born populations. I also find some evidence that Anglos hold more restrictive attitudes toward immigration in response to high levels of immigration enforcement. iv PUBLIC ABSTRACTPolicy feedback theory argues that public policies shape identities, attitudes, and participation by teaching citizens about their relationship to government. I reevaluate this argument by examining how policy's effect on political behavior varies by groups and across contexts. Using data from three national public opinion surveys ...

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