Between Co-Option and Radical Opposition: A Comparative Analysis of Power-Sharing on Gender Equality and LGBTQ rights in Northern Ireland and Lebanon

Advocating for the Rights of Sexual Minorities within a Sectarian System. (c2020)

“…In a similar pattern, John Nagle has listed three non-sectarian movement challenges in order to promote social change: "the creation of intercommunal networks, the fostering of a public sphere of debate and challenging the programmed uses of segregated people." Despite of the above, Nagle and Fakhoury (2018) argue that "the status of LGBTIQ+ communities within Lebanon's sectarian model is fraught with difficulty: the model undermines the expression of alternative sociocultural cleavages and it nurtures adversarial feelings toward sexual minorities as a consequence of the patriarchal conception of society and family life." Therefore, the goal of the LGBTIQ+ community is "to decouple citizenship and lawmaking from the grip of religious authorities" (Nagle and Fakhoury, 2018), and "regularize the status of the community' members, affirm their presence and increase their visibility" .…”

“…Despite of the above, Nagle and Fakhoury (2018) argue that "the status of LGBTIQ+ communities within Lebanon's sectarian model is fraught with difficulty: the model undermines the expression of alternative sociocultural cleavages and it nurtures adversarial feelings toward sexual minorities as a consequence of the patriarchal conception of society and family life." Therefore, the goal of the LGBTIQ+ community is "to decouple citizenship and lawmaking from the grip of religious authorities" (Nagle and Fakhoury, 2018), and "regularize the status of the community' members, affirm their presence and increase their visibility" . However, it is claimed that the fragmented spectrum of the Lebanese LGBTIQ+ community and the lack of common mobilization strategies leave little shared space for maneuver.…”

“…However, it is claimed that the fragmented spectrum of the Lebanese LGBTIQ+ community and the lack of common mobilization strategies leave little shared space for maneuver. Moreover, while "some groupings advocate for legal reforms, others argue that only a secular system in which politics is delinked from sectarianism could serve their cause" (Nagle and Fakhoury, 2018). Furthermore, there is a difference regarding the strategy to implement.…”

“…However, none of the NGO leaders mobilized their associations to partake in the demonstrations; "NGO activists participated in these popular protests as individuals rather than as representatives of their own association" (Salloukh et al, 2015). In fact, NGOs are criticized "for not taking an active role in campaigns for the reform of the sectarian system and for lacking a common platform, reflecting the associational community's fragmentation" (Nagle and Fakhoury, 2018). This flaw is still a feature of the LGBTIQ+ advocacy movement as it will be elaborated later in this chapter.…”

“…Regardless of the implementation of either a Western or an indigenous advocacy approach, the Lebanese LGBTIQ+ advocacy movement agrees "that eradicating political sectarianism and patriarchy is a precondition to expanding their rights; therefore, the goal of LGBTIQ+ advocacy movements is to decouple citizenship and lawmaking from the grip of religious authorities" (Nagle and Fakhoury, 2018) and "to normalize individuals of the LGBTIQ+ individuals by affirming their presence and increasing their visibility" .…”