Beyond Bandung: developmental nationalism and (multi)cultural nationalism in Indonesia

Barker, Joshua

doi:10.1080/01436590801931496

Cited by 43 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…The geopolitical and ideological importance of Indonesia to the West and especially the United States during the Cold War cannot be overestimated (Simpson 2008; Tyner 2007). President Sukarno, a leader of Indonesia's independence struggle against Dutch colonialism, had attempted to steer a nonaligned nationalist‐socialist course for Indonesia between the two Cold War powers (Barker 2008). To President Eisenhower, Indonesia's oil and mineral resources were “the richest prize in all Southeast Asia” (Nevins 2007:48), justifying direct U.S. support for (unsuccessful) secessionist groups in the 1950s (Kahin and Kahin 1995).…”

Section: The Formation Of Indonesia's Extractive Regimementioning

confidence: 99%

Extractive Regimes: Toward a Better Understanding of Indonesian Development

Gellert

2010

Rural Sociology

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This article proposes the concept of an extractive regime to understand Indonesia's developmental trajectory from 1966 to 1998. The concept contributes to world-systems, globalization, and commodity-based approaches to understanding peripheral development. An extractive regime is defined by its reliance on extraction of multiple natural resources in the formation of an economic and political order that is also supported by global and regional forces. After elaborating the concept of an extractive regime, the article illustrates it through examination of Indonesia's developmental trajectory from its formation in the post-World War II era to its firm establishment during Suharto's New Order. Although a comprehensive study would necessitate attention to the full panoply of commodities, the study illustrates some of the workings of the extractive regime in the timber and fisheries sectors, which share spatial extensivity and other characteristics. The article concludes by considering the future of the extractive regime in Indonesia amid democratization and continued class domination and by offering suggestions for further application, specification, and extension of the extractive regime concept.

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Section: The Formation Of Indonesia's Extractive Regimementioning

confidence: 99%

Extractive Regimes: Toward a Better Understanding of Indonesian Development

Gellert

2010

Rural Sociology

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“…As Sukarno's view triumphed politically, a unified understanding emerged of Indonesia standing up to the powers of the West and attempting to forge its own path to development against the strength of imperialist exploitation. It did so in part by joining the path of non-alignment between the "choices" of East and West (Barker 2008). Importantly, Sukarno also made populist appeals to the masses of peasants and workers and positioned himself as a representative of the people and as penyambung lidah rakyat (the voice of the people) (Siegel 1998).…”

Section: Independence Era Originsmentioning

confidence: 96%

Optimism and Education: The New Ideology of Development in Indonesia

Gellert

2014

Journal of Contemporary Asia

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Based on ethnographic field research conducted in Jakarta, this article argues that there is a new ideology of development in Indonesia that is cosmopolitan, nostalgic and individualist. To understand the new ideology, a historical sociological perspective is taken to examine the nationalist period of anti-colonial struggle, the state developmentalist period of Soeharto's New Order, and the neoliberal period since 1998. Two interrelated arguments are made. First, the ideology of development in Indonesia has changed from earlier nationalist understandings of Pancasila to a cosmopolitan neoliberal ideology based in a nostalgic nationalism. Second, a modernist Islamic perspective on secularism and Islam both supports and is supported by this ideological shift. These arguments are illuminated through two examples of the advance of cosmopolitan neoliberal ideology: optimism and education. Optimism is focused on individual integrity to redress Indonesia's problems with corruption. Education is offered by optimists as the escalator to development. Empirically, the Indonesia Mengajar programme of sending young university graduates to teach elementary school in remote parts of the country is examined for its neo-modernisationist assumptions. The article concludes that this dominant ideology abandons earlier solidaristic forms of nationalism and holds little hope for addressing the vast structural inequalities in Indonesia.

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“…Relatively soon after the conference, Soekarno's project of an ekonomie nasional, conceived in direct opposition to what was identified as the stifling legacy of ekonomie colonial, foundered amidst both an economic and political crisis (Barker 2008;Berger and Weber 2014, 54-57), and ultimately ended in a bloody coup. The end of Soekarno's administration, which was replaced by Soeharto's New Order, set a new landmark in Indonesia's political economy.…”

Section: Conclusion: On the 'Bandung Spirit' And Its Continuing Resonmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…However, it is also important to note that, in modified ways, colonial conceptions of 'progress' were, for the most part, accepted and pursued also as part of the 'Bandung spirit'. The implications of this have meant that, in most instances, the continuation of some practices of domination and rule introduced under colonialism prevailed in post-colonial contexts-for good discussions of how the pursuit of national development through inequalities and colonial logics of domination played out, for example, in the Indonesian and Indian contexts, see Barker (2008) and Kothari (1996), respectively. Importantly, therefore, we should note that anti-colonial and anti-imperial struggles and aspirations for development were pursued in some contexts while undermining, for instance, indigenous political struggles within the 'new' polity.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

The ‘Bandung spirit’ and solidarist internationalism

Weber

Winanti

2016

Australian Journal of International Affairs

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It must come as no surprise that traces of any continuing relevance of the 'Bandung spirit' are enthusiastically being sought in the wake of the sixtieth anniversary of the Asian-African Conference. It was the first high-profile formal conference of newly independent (or 'about-to-be independent') post-colonial states at a rather momentous historical conjuncture: the continuing struggles for decolonisation were pronounced in the context of the Cold War. The Final Communiqué of the Bandung conference strongly articulated a collective political project against colonialism and imperialism, and for self-determination and racial equality, while already laying the foundations for the idea of strategic nonalignment in the context of the Cold War. It is in this sense that the Bandung conference has come to be emblematic of an event that inaugurated a radically different international political landscape to the immediate post-1945 world order. In this article, the authors focus specifically on the development aspirations articulated at the Asian-African Conference in Bandung, which they argue are the site of struggles and contradictions. As the authors show, the 'Bandung spirit' underlined the political project of Third Worldism, as well as the call for a new international economic order in the 1970s. Yet, they also identify some constraints and contradictions that the 'Bandung spirit' had to navigate and the challenges it was up against. In the final part of the article, the authors briefly discuss the extent to which the 'Bandung spirit' continues to resonate in contemporary global politics of development.

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Beyond Bandung: developmental nationalism and (multi)cultural nationalism in Indonesia

Cited by 43 publications

References 15 publications

Extractive Regimes: Toward a Better Understanding of Indonesian Development

Extractive Regimes: Toward a Better Understanding of Indonesian Development

Optimism and Education: The New Ideology of Development in Indonesia

The ‘Bandung spirit’ and solidarist internationalism

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