Beyond left and right: the eclectic populism of the Five Star Movement

Mosca, Lorenzo; Tronconi, Filippo

doi:10.1080/01402382.2019.1596691

Cited by 143 publications

(84 citation statements)

References 24 publications

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“…Katsambekis and Kioupkiolis 2019), on the right, such as the Danish DF (e.g. Akkerman et al 2016), or can be impossible to locate meaningfully along the left-right continuum, such as the Italian M5S (Mosca and Tronconi 2019).…”

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confidence: 99%

Varieties of Populist Parties and Party Systems in Europe: From State-of-the-Art to the Application of a Novel Classification Scheme to 66 Parties in 33 Countries

2019

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Despite the explosion of populism research, there is a shortage of comprehensive analyses of the ideational varieties of populist parties and of the different roles they play in contemporary party systems. In order to overcome such limitations, I provide a state-of-the-art review of the literature on the classification of populist parties and make three innovative contributions to populism research. First, by adopting a truly pan-European perspective to cover, in addition to EU member countries, contexts that are generally overlooked, including but not limited to Liechtenstein, Russia, Serbia and Ukraine, this review article provides an empirical application of the ideational approach to populism to 66 contemporary parties. Second, it highlights the major shortcomings of common approaches to the study of populist parties in contemporary party systems, which almost invariably treat them as 'challengers' or 'outsiders'. Finally, it pushes the agenda further by providing a classification and empirical overview of the three interactive patterns characterizing the 66 populist parties under analysis: non-integration, negative integration and positive integration.

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confidence: 99%

Varieties of Populist Parties and Party Systems in Europe: From State-of-the-Art to the Application of a Novel Classification Scheme to 66 Parties in 33 Countries

2019

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“…Finally, the share of voters that are not able to or indeed openly refuse to position themselves on the left-right axis is normally higher for populist parties than for mainstream ones. Indeed, in the Italian case 7.1 per cent of M5S voters and 8.6 per cent of Lega voters refused to position themselves on the left-right dimension in 2016, compared to 2.3 per cent of voters for the Democratic Party and 1.1 per cent of voters for Forza Italia (Mosca & Tronconi 2019, p. 1266. Whether this is a consequence of a deliberate strategy of populist parties to blur their positions on economic issues (Rovny 2013), or an increasing difficulty of citizens to make a synthesis of party positions on different topics, we think it is advisable, whenever possible, to look beyond the left-right dimension and focus instead on specific issues.…”

Section: Defining and Measuring Polarisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Populism Put to the Polarisation Test: The 2019–20 Election Cycle in Italy

Tronconi¹,

Valbruzzi²

2020

South European Society and Politics

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One year after the birth of an unprecedented government characterised by the strong populist stance of both coalition partners (M5S and the Lega) and amid a growing polarisation in party positions on a number of political issues, the European and regional elections of 2019-20 marked an important test for Italy. After presenting the results of the 2019-20 election cycle, the article investigates the most salient lines of party competition and the varying degrees of polarisation. Our analysis shows two kinds of polarisation: the first being the intra-coalitional polarisation which characterised the first Conte government; while the second, affecting the party system as a whole, is driven by the electoral rise of far-right parties.

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“…The third major contender in the 2018 vote was the M5S, which ran alone just as it had done five years before, winning one-third of the votes. Headed by Luigi Di Maio, the M5S conducted a relatively eurosceptic electoral campaign (in the past it has voiced much stronger opposition to the EU and particularly to the euro, see Conti, Marangoni & Verzichelli 2020) while holding ambiguous positions on the economy (that is, on pro-state/pro-market ideas) and on immigration (Mosca & Tronconi 2019). Besides these three main actors, the 2018 election was also contested by LEU (Liberi e Uguali -Free and Equal), a left-wing party which broadly supported European integration and policies designed to help immigrants.…”

Section: Party System Polarisation and The Formation Of The Conte I Gmentioning

confidence: 99%

Policy Polarisation in Italy: The Short and Conflictual Life of the ‘Government of Change’ (2018–2019)

Conti¹,

Pedrazzani²,

Russo³

2020

South European Society and Politics

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This article uses the concept of policy polarisation to understand the short and conflictual life of the Conte I cabinet which remained in office in Italy from June 2018 to September 2019. We show how policy polarisation in parliament and between coalition parties shaped the formation and termination of the so-called 'government of change'. When investigating the implementation of the government agenda, we also assess the role of the coalition contract as an (ineffective) institutional solution to problems stemming from policy divisions between the Five Star Movement and the Lega. We argue that, despite some policy accomplishments of the government, the Five Star Movement-Lega coalition appears more as a temporary experiment, whose legacy may not represent a new course of action.

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Beyond left and right: the eclectic populism of the Five Star Movement

Cited by 143 publications

References 24 publications

Varieties of Populist Parties and Party Systems in Europe: From State-of-the-Art to the Application of a Novel Classification Scheme to 66 Parties in 33 Countries

Varieties of Populist Parties and Party Systems in Europe: From State-of-the-Art to the Application of a Novel Classification Scheme to 66 Parties in 33 Countries

Populism Put to the Polarisation Test: The 2019–20 Election Cycle in Italy

Policy Polarisation in Italy: The Short and Conflictual Life of the ‘Government of Change’ (2018–2019)

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