Beyond the harsh. Objective and subjective living conditions in Nunavut

Abstract

This paper simultaneously analyses some objective and subjective living conditions in Nunavut (federal territory of Canada located in the Arctic) in 2001: population, housing, language, education, economic activities, health, social problems and geographic mobility. It examines original descriptive statistics from the Survey of living conditions in the Arctic and other sources. In some cases the results confirm the ordinary depressing picture of Inuit conditions, but in other cases statistics qualify or even contradict such a picture. The overall findings show that despite objective difficult conditions, Nunavummiut living in Nunavut (primarily the elites and the lower class) are generally satisfied with their communities so that the majority wishes to remain there. Certain modern social institutions and individual rationalities are contributing to this situation: wage earning, market economy, utilitarian and consumption oriented approach, democratic state based on law, formal knowledge, individualism and the capacity for self analysis. The concepts of aspiration and mastery of one's own destiny seem accurate to explain the importance of education and employment in people's satisfaction, and their dissatisfaction about the housing situation. The existence of family and neighbourhood networks appears to explain both a certain residential stability and out migration, through the social support functions of these networks, in which sharing and exchanging food play a major role. In general, if most of Nunavummiut continue to live in the Arctic despite unfavourable conditions, it is not only because they are able to ensure their material existence there, but also because they attach a meaning to and believe that that is where they have the best chance to exert the highest degree of control over their personal and domestic reality.

The characteristics and experience of community food program users in arctic Canada: a case study from Iqaluit, Nunavut

“…Equally, research has indicated that social networks through which traditional foods are shared between and within households are often weaker in RICs, a function of demographics, predominance of livelihoods based on the waged economy, in-migration and transiency in habitation [47-49]. Moreover, the larger settlements, while increasingly prosperous, have significant pockets of inequality, characterized by high and persistent unemployment, poverty, and house overcrowding [50,51].…”

Social stratification through the capabilities approach: the case of the Inuit of Nunavik

“…That is the case with the Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic (SLiCA), entrenched into the 2001 and 2006 Aboriginal People Survey in Canada (Duhaime and Le´vesque 2014;É douard and Duhaime 2013;Kruse et al 2008;Morin et al 2010). However, for the purposes of the present study, the unique advantage of the Nunavik Inuit Health Survey (Lavoie et al 2007) is that it produces assessments of a population's health, which Sen considers a fundamental capability.…”

Biophilic, photobiological and energy-efficient design framework of adaptive building façades for Northern Canada

“…Northern Canada refers to regions in near and above 50°N latitudes categorized into ASHRAE climate zones 7 and 8 41 (see Figure 1-a ). Climatic features drastically change by moving towards high latitudes and sub-Arctic regions of Canada [41][42][43] resulting in challenging living and working conditions 44,45 . Seasonal photoperiods and solar radiation, the most influential factors on the climate and human lives 18,26,46 , could change from a few hours of daylight in the winter to almost no-darkness during the summer in a high-latitude Canadian City such as Cambridge Bay, Nunavut, Canada [69.1°N] (Figure 1-b).…”