Bill McKibben's Effect on the US Climate Change Debate: Shifting the Institutional Environment Through Radical Flank Effects

Schifeling, Todd; Hoffman, Andrew J.

doi:10.2139/ssrn.2957590

Cited by 4 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 52 publications

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“…Thus, it will be important to pay attention to how this plays out, not only as a tool of corporate risk management but also to underpin arguments against extraction. In this context, although cautiously, we see a possible opportunity within movements, including among students and faculty, in provisionally appropriating the withdrawal of SLO as an ethical statement in support of university (and broader) divestment from extractive corporations, in the context of broader discussion that are taking place about extractive industries and their role in the academy and beyond (Klein 2015;Quigley, Bugden & Odgers 2021;Rowe, Dempsey, & Gibbs 2016;Schifeling & Hoffman 2017). By understanding the colonial logics that underpin the narrative, leaders of these movements can better ascertain the value and scope of such programs.…”

Section: Conclusion: Universities Beyond Extractivismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Licence to Operate

Murrey¹,

Jackson

Volonterio³

2023

CCS Journal

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In this intervention article, we cultivate an anti-colonial critique of the ideational genealogy and conceptual materialisation of the social licence to operate (SLO) in the extractive industries in order to open a conversation about the racialised and colonial logics underlying its enactment and discursive practices. SLO functions to restrict the emergence of imaginary political potentials within communities impacted by extractive projects. We focus on the role of academics and social science researchers within and beyond the space of the university in engineering, shaping, and promoting dominant SLO frameworks, and endorsing the power and mythology of SLO. We do so in conversation with decolonial orientations that simultaneously analyse the colonial logics within corporate practice and galvanise epistemic justice beyond colonial and epistemic extractivism. The university, as a site for the refinement and promotion of hegemonic concepts like SLO, is an important space for post-extractive struggles.

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Section: Conclusion: Universities Beyond Extractivismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Licence to Operate

Murrey¹,

Jackson

Volonterio³

2023

CCS Journal

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“…Given the pervasiveness of misinformation about climate change, particularly in countries such as the US and UK, it is probable that some sections of the population are influenced by the "denial machine" (McCright, 2016). There have also been suggestions that environmental groups can influence opinion (Carter & Childs, 2018;Schifeling & Hoffman, 2017). For example, recent protests by Extinction Rebellion in the UK seemed to spark an expanded public debate on climate change (Gunningham, 2019).…”

Section: External Influencementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Despite extensive interest group activity on climate change, there has been surprisingly little research investigating the extent to which interest groups are able to influence the climate policy preferences of the public (see, however : Dür, 2018). Studies investigating interest group influence on public opinion in general usually find that such groups are able to change the minds of at least some members of the public (Dür, 2018;Gerber & Phillips, 2003;McEntire et al, 2015;McKnight & Hobbs, 2013;Schifeling & Hoffman, 2017). For instance, using a survey experiment, Dür (2018) found that people were more likely to support (or oppose) their country adopting a free trade agreement after reading interest group arguments in favour of (or against) such an agreement.…”

Section: The Influence Of Interest Group Arguments On Public Opinionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Using a survey experiment to examine the use of frames by human rights organisations, for example, McEntire et al (2015) find that people were more likely to be opposed to the use of sleep deprivation as an interrogation method after reading different types of frames typically used by human rights organisations. Schifeling and Hoffman (2017) use text analysis of news articles to show how the climate activist group 350.org has helped to widen the public debate over climate change. Investigating voting behaviour in California, Lupia (1994) finds that voters were able to use a complex set of information cues -including cues from interest groups -to assist their decisions on insurance reform referendums.…”

Section: The Influence Of Interest Group Arguments On Public Opinionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The contentious nature of climate change as a political issue has meant that interest groups, elites, social movements and politicians campaign actively to try to influence the views of the public (Brulle, 2014;McCright & Dunlap, 2010;Schifeling & Hoffman, 2017). The link between climate change views and political affiliation or ideology is well established (Krange et al, 2018;McCright, Dunlap & Marquart-Pyatt, 2016;Tranter & Booth, 2015), and there is evidence that this link is often driven by political elite influence (Benegal & Scruggs, 2018;Ehret et al, 2018;Kousser & Tranter, 2018;Merkley & Stecula, 2018).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The dimensions of public opinion on climate change: belief, issue salience and support for government action

Crawley¹

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Climate change is a problem that requires urgent attention. In most countries, large sections of the population accept that climate change is happening and that it is a serious problem. Despite this, the political response in many developed nations has so far been inadequate, and emissions continue to climb globally. Some authors have used this apparent lack of policy responsiveness to public preferences as evidence that vested interests have excessive influence over climate change policy. But this perspective does not fully account for the complexity of climate change opinion. For instance, many people who are highly concerned about climate change rank it as a low priority issue compared with issues such as the economy, healthcare and education. Moreover, some people who believe that climate change is happening and is a serious problem do not support government action to address it. I therefore investigate public opinion on climate change in terms of three dimensions: belief, issue salience and support for government action. Focussing on developed countries, I rely on survey data from Eurobarometer, the New Zealand Election Study and data collected as part of this research project. I investigate the nature of opinions with respect to these three dimensions and examine how opinions vary between individuals and across countries. Furthermore, I investigate the forces that shape climate opinion on these three dimensions, including external influence (such as messages from interest groups), individual characteristics (such as social and political attitudes) and country-level factors (such as country wealth). I find that belief is high in most developed countries, as is support for government action. However, salience is low in most countries, particularly in the less wealthy developed countries. Political orientation and other social attitudes relate positively to belief, issue salience and support for government action, although the relationships tend to be stronger for salience. By investigating the factors that shape climate opinion in different dimensions, this study contributes to knowledge of why people hold particular climate views. Moreover, my examination of the complexity of public opinion on climate change in terms of belief, issue salience and support for government action sheds light on why the political response to climate change has been ineffective in many countries.

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When did post-truth begin? From climate change denial to war-mongering nationalism

Conversi

2022

Preprint

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This article argues that the media structure created by the framework of climate denial in the 2000s was foundational in the subsequent SYSTEMATIC use and DIFFUSION of FAKE NEWS and ‘post-truth’, culminating around the Copenhagen agreement in 2009. The article therefore places the negation of climate change at the roots of the persisting appeal of fake news. The shell-shocking discovery that fake news travels much further, and faster, than real news (Vosoughi, Roy et al. 2018) has thus deeper social, political, economic, health, medical, and life-changing implications than everything else that has been said about these fields taken together: All societies are based on TRUST and the circulation of reliable information. If systematic misinformation prevails, societies tend to break down at various levels, from the individual to the national and the supranational. On the other hand, few have speculated on how the phenomenon was shaped by nationalist ideology, even though it was clearly identified as originating from far-right agendas. I therefore argue that two variables must be jointly investigated to explain the appearance of nebulous post-truth politics: the denial of climate change and state-led nationalism, the former supported by the latter. Thus, the origin of post-truth needs to be connected to the campaign of misinformation initiated with climate change denial around the Copenhagen accord — and, earlier in the USA. This approach brings us nearer to finding a series of solutions for rebuilding public trust: if trust in science is not promptly re-established, then the very basis of modern societies can easily collapse bringing down with them everyone else.

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Bill McKibben's Effect on the US Climate Change Debate: Shifting the Institutional Environment Through Radical Flank Effects

Cited by 4 publications

References 52 publications

Social Licence to Operate

Social Licence to Operate

The dimensions of public opinion on climate change: belief, issue salience and support for government action

When did post-truth begin? From climate change denial to war-mongering nationalism

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