Black African immigrants in France and claims for housing

Péchu, Cécile

doi:10.1080/1369183x.1999.9976712

Cited by 13 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…New studies on immigrant mobilization in Europe also constitute an exception to past research on political incorporation. These studies focus on immigrant claims making and the broader institutional environment to understand the emergence of group action (see Danese 1998;Giugni and Passy 2004;Pechu 1999). For example, Ruud Koopmans and his colleagues (2005) argued that national political contexts and configurations of citizenship shape the possibilities for immigrant claims making in public debates in the European context.…”

Section: Political Incorporation and Collective Actionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond the Ballot: Immigrant Collective Action in Gateways and New Destinations in the United States

Okamoto¹,

Ebert²

2010

Social Problems

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Most studies that attempt to understand immigrant political incorporation focus on patterns of electoral participation and citizenship acquisition. Given that nearly 60 percent of the foreign-born population in the United States is comprised of noncitizens, we argue that past studies miss an important dimension of the immigrant political incorporation process. In this article, we move beyond the ballot by documenting patterns of immigrant protest and conducting an analysis of the conditions under which immigrant organizing occurs in traditional gateways and new destinations. In addition to political opportunities and resources, we argue that conditions heightening group boundaries between immigrants and natives-what we call boundary markers-should play an important role in encouraging immigrants to develop a shared minority status and make collective claims on behalf of the larger group. Using hurdle models, we test our theoretical ideas with a new data set comprised of over 200 immigrant protest events in 52 metropolitan areas across the United States. Our results challenge past studies of immigrant mobilization because we find that inclusionary contexts characterized by greater access to formal political and economic incorporation both hinder and facilitate immigrant organizing, while boundary markers-measured here as threats and segregation-tend to encourage immigrant protest.

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Section: Political Incorporation and Collective Actionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond the Ballot: Immigrant Collective Action in Gateways and New Destinations in the United States

Okamoto¹,

Ebert²

2010

Social Problems

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“…As had been the case with North African emigration since the colonial era, sub-Saharan African emigration began in turn to be viewed as a ‘public problem’ in the 1990s. Official reports multiplied against a background of housing rights movements and the mobilization of ‘undocumented’ migrants (Siméant 1998; Péchu 1999). During the period 1988–98, the journal Migrations Études , edited by the Population and Migration Office ( Direction de la Population et des Migrations –DPM), contained as many studies on “African,” “Sub-Saharan,” and “Black” immigration as those on “North African,” “Islamic,” “Muslim,” “Algerian,” and “Moroccan” immigration ( Migrations Études 1999).…”

Section: Controlling African Migratory Flowsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Rise of the Migration-Development Nexus in Francophone Sub-Saharan Africa, 1960–2010

Dedieu¹

2018

Afr. stud. rev.

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Abstract:This article aims to analyze the emergence of the migration-development nexus after decolonization in Francophone sub-Saharan Africa. The first section explores the way in which French governmental bodies and NGOs started to frame public policies linking migration and development in the 1960s and 1970s. The second section highlights how developmentalist ideology was mobilized in the 1980s in order to set up return policies in partnership with African governments who were increasingly inclined to control migrants’ monetary remittances. The last section emphasizes how the migration-development nexus was orchestrated to control migratory flows from the late 1980s onwards.

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“…Housing restrictions therefore denied thousands of families the right to live together and condemned them to an`illegal' life on the margins of urban society.``For immigrants, housing takes on a dimension that it simply does not have for French families. It affects the right to live as a family and to obtain papers for the family which are in order'' (Pe¨chu, 1999, page 734).…”

Section: Localizing Immigration Politics 31 Downscaling Immigration Policy and Localizing Grievancesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Paris distinguished itself from other cities not only because of the disproportionate concentration of immigrants, but also because it concentrated organizational resources. Many West African immigrants were drawn from compact regions within Mali and Senegal (Pe¨chu, 1999;Sime¨ant, 1998). The thick family and friendship ties were used to reconstruct solidarity networks in Paris and its suburbs.…”

Section: Concentrating Immigrants and Resources In Parismentioning

confidence: 99%

Cities and the Unevenness of Social Movement Space: The Case of France's Immigrant Rights Movement

Nicholls

2011

Environ Plan A

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IntroductionThis paper examines the geography of social movements through a study of France's immigrant rights movement. Though this movement dates from the 1970s to the present, the paper focuses on the cycle of mobilization between the late 1980s and the mid-1990s. The development of the movement was associated with several spatial forms and processes: First, early in the mobilization cycle, aggrieved immigrants mobilized against restrictive urban policies and by doing this, transformed the locality into the most strategic arena for making rights claims. Second, through these urban struggles, Paris-based immigrants and French activists developed powerful activist networks and employed these networks to call national attention to the plight of immigrants in French cities. Third, powerful activist networks built up during thè urban' phase of the struggle were then deployed to a new campaign against national immigration laws following 1993. Fourth, Parisian activists employed the infrastructure of their national associations to build a network connecting the different localities across the country. The concentration of powerful resources among Parisian activists allowed them to play an enhanced role in the network, but the resulting spatial unevenness of this network produced conflicts along center^periphery lines.Drawing on the geography of social movement literature (Leitner et al, 2008;Miller, 2000;Nicholls, 2009;Routledge, 2003), I maintain that this movement (like all movements) did not unfold on the head of a pin (Miller, 2000) and displayed a spatial structure and dynamics that changed as it progressed in time. This movement is therefore conceived as a concrete spatial entity in motion (`a social movement space'): it is centered in strategic cities, connected and sustained through extensive networks, and achieves coherence within a distinctive geopolitical field. However, to stay in motion, it has had to build upon the relational advantages of the center at the expense of multiple peripheries, introducing internal unevenness and conflicts which threaten its abilities to sustain itself over time.

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Black African immigrants in France and claims for housing

Cited by 13 publications

References 4 publications

Beyond the Ballot: Immigrant Collective Action in Gateways and New Destinations in the United States

Beyond the Ballot: Immigrant Collective Action in Gateways and New Destinations in the United States

The Rise of the Migration-Development Nexus in Francophone Sub-Saharan Africa, 1960–2010

Cities and the Unevenness of Social Movement Space: The Case of France's Immigrant Rights Movement

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