Black New Orleans, 1860-1880

Blassingame, John W.

doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226057095.001.0001

Cited by 8 publications

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“…For more than a century after its founding by the French in 1718, New Orleans-which was more of a French city than an American city before the Civil War, and at one time the largest slave trading center in the United States-maintained a racial hierarchy constituted by a three-caste system: (a) Whites; (b) free people of color, commonly called free Negroes; and (c) enslaved Africans (Blassingame, 1973). During the Haitian Revolution between 1791 and 1804, and until 1810, approximately 10,000 immigrants from Haiti (French colonists, free Creoles of color, and thousands of enslaved Black people) arrived in New Orleans.…”

Section: Example 1: Black New Orleans and The Complexity Of Racementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Specific to Black communities, southern ports such as Charleston, South Carolina; Savannah, Georgia; and New Orleans, Louisiana, served as the points of entry and trade of hundreds of thousands of enslaved Africans; and it was in the various plantations and towns across the South that the majority of enslaved African people's culture and language patterns became forged into what is commonly referred to as "African American" culture (for further discussions, see Baugh, 1999;Blassingame, 1973;Frazier, 1939;Herskovits, 1941). 9 The cultural expressions, patterns, and identities associated with African American people evolved greatly in response to White racism and social, political, and economic oppression and inequality (African American Migration Experience, 2008;Barth, 1969).…”

Section: Defining the South: Making Use Of Geographical Historical mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Thus New Orleans witnessed a marked increase in its free people of color and enslaved Black population in the early 1800s. Although the free Negroes (those already living in New Orleans and the new arrivals from Haiti) were not in bondage like the enslaved Black population and had some semblances of freedom, they were not allowed to vote, were prevented from socializing in public with White people, and were used as a buffer between Whites and dark-complexioned Black people (Blassingame, 1973). According to C. C. , By more than doubling the population of French-speaking people of color, the approximately three thousand men, women, and children strengthened the city's existing three-caste society developed under French and Spanish rule.…”

Section: Example 1: Black New Orleans and The Complexity Of Racementioning

confidence: 99%

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Why Study the U.S. South? The Nexus of Race and Place in Investigating Black Student Achievement

Morris

Monroe

2009

Educational Researcher

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This article highlights the significance of the U.S. South in scholarly discussions regarding the academic achievement gap involving Black students. Despite national concern, patterns embedded in Black student achievement as related to geographical influences generally are ignored, especially in the South, where the majority of Black people in the United States reside. The authors refine the scholarship on the Black-White achievement gap through an analysis of racialized national spaces and population shifts, to set forth a more comprehensive understanding of school achievement than previously existed. In elucidating the nexus between race and place and the implications for Black student achievement, the authors specifically highlight the saliency of the U.S. South as a critical-and neglectedsite for the investigation of such issues.

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Section: Example 1: Black New Orleans and The Complexity Of Racementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Defining the South: Making Use Of Geographical Historical mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Example 1: Black New Orleans and The Complexity Of Racementioning

confidence: 99%

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Why Study the U.S. South? The Nexus of Race and Place in Investigating Black Student Achievement

Morris

Monroe

2009

Educational Researcher

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“…While rural slaves were cast adrift upon plantations and placed under the near constant supervision of their masters, urban living afforded slaves a degree of material and intellectual freedom (Berlin, 1981;Blassingame, 1976). From running away to the North, to stealing food, tools, or money, from willful destruction of property, to intentionally shoddy work, slaves found a multitude of ways to resist the seemingly omnipresent slave system (T. W. Allen, 1994Allen, /2012Harding, 1980;Wade, 1964).…”

Section: Freedom As the Aesthetic Imaginationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Spatial Dialectics

Barker

2015

Journal of Black Studies

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The purpose of this article is to explore how music provided the U.S. plantation-slaves with a space in which the hegemony of the White ruling class could be subverted, adapted, and resisted. Consistent with the beliefs of slave religion, which saw the material and the spiritual as part of an intrinsic unity, I identify two tendencies in slave song: freedom as material practice and freedom as the "aesthetic imagination." I argue that the tensions between these two spheres provided a crucial intimation of a life without slavery.

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“…3 Examples of major works in the debate are : Williamson 1984;Cell 1982; Rabinowitz 1978;Rabinowitz 1976;Blassingame 1973;Williamson 1965;Wade 1964;Wynes 1961;Litwack 1961. The fullest overview of the debate, and of the various editions of Strange Career that incorporated some of the criticism, can be found in Rabinowitz 1988. Other useful overviews are: Woodward 1986, 81-99; Woodward 1971b, 234-60; Williamson 1968.…”

Section: Law Society and The Career Of The Strange Career Of Jim Crowmentioning

confidence: 99%

Law, Society, Identity, and the Making of the Jim Crow South: Travel and Segregation on Tennessee Railroads, 1875-1905

Mack¹

1999

Law & Social Inquiry

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This article reexamines the well-known debate over the origins and timing of the advent of de jure segregation in the American South that began in 1955 with the publication of C. Vann Woodward's The Strange Career of Jim Crow. Arguing that the terms of the debate overWoodward's thesis implicate familiar but outmoded ways of looking at sociolegal change and Southern society, the article proposes a reorientation of this debate using theoretical perspectives taken from recent work by legal historians, critical race theorists, and historians of race, class and gender. This article examines the advent of railroad segregation in Tennessee (the state that enacted the nation's first railroad segregation statute) in order to sketch out these themes, arguing that de jure segregation was brought about by a dialectic between legal, social and identity-based phenomena. This dialectic did not die out with the coming of de jure segregation, but rather continued into the modern era.On September 15, 1883, a young Ida B. Wells boarded a train from Memphis, Tennessee to the nearby town of Woodstock, where she taught school, and entered an ongoing debate over law, society and identity in late nineteenth-century Tennessee. Wells, the future civil rights crusader, was concerned about railroad companies' recent attempts to segregate passengers by race, and about drinking and smoking on the train. Taking her seat in the nonsmoking rear coach which, according to the railroad, was reserved for "white ladies and gentlemen," she refused the conductor's request that she move to another car. The conductor, aided by two other men, physically ejected her from the car, in the process tearing her dress but suffering a serious bite wound inflicted by Wells in return. Ida Wells later sued the railroad for this incident and a subsequent ejection, ultimately losing in the state supreme court and incurring several hundred dollars in court costs in the process. 1 (Chesapeake, O. & Sw. R.R. v. Wells 1885a, 1885b& 1887Duster 1970) Disappointed with the outcome of her suit, Wells confided to her diary that "I have firmly believed all along that the law was on our side and would, when we appealed to it, give us justice." (DeCosta-Willis 1995, 141) Wells' views of the importance of the law in settling questions of identity, place and race mirrored those of her fellow Tennesseans. By the 1 The sometimes-cited date of Wells' ride, May 4, 1884, is incorrect. Wells was ejected twice and brought two lawsuits, the second of which was for the May 1884 ejection. The source of this confusion is Wells' autobiography, written over forty years later, where she fails to make clear that she was ejected twice and brought two lawsuits. In addition, the state supreme court opinion in her case, for reasons that are unclear, only references the lawsuit growing out of the 1884 ejection. (Duster 1970; Chesapeake, O. & Sw. R.R. v. Wells 1887) This article will only reference the first lawsuit, except where it is necessary to distinguish between Wells' suits. 2 1870s a...

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Black New Orleans, 1860-1880

Cited by 8 publications

References 0 publications

Why Study the U.S. South? The Nexus of Race and Place in Investigating Black Student Achievement

Why Study the U.S. South? The Nexus of Race and Place in Investigating Black Student Achievement

Spatial Dialectics

Law, Society, Identity, and the Making of the Jim Crow South: Travel and Segregation on Tennessee Railroads, 1875-1905

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