Black Residential Mobility: Trends and Characteristics

Abstract

This analysis of trends in Black residential mobility uses a multi‐disciplinary approach that incorporates contributions from sociology, psychology, economics, demography, and social geography, among others. It examines population migrations from Africa during the slave trade, mobility patterns during the internal slave trade within the United States, and the large population shifts during the industrialization of the urban North and West. Contemporary patterns of segregated urban environments are viewed from the perspective of external constraints on Black residential mobility opportunities. These constraints, operating at both individual and institutional levels, include the actions of individual homeowners, realtors, local and federal legislators, and lending institutions. The attitudes of Blacks are viewed as “internal factors” which also serve to maintain segregated living arrangements. The processes and consequences associated with urban ghettoization are identified. Recent trends of Black suburbanization, “gentrification,” and Latino/Black residential integration, are identified and discussed. The article concludes with an examination of potential future scenarios, provides suggestions for future research, and addresses a number of policy and practical issues.

Racial Stratification in the Actuation of Mobility Expectations: Microlevel Impacts of Racially Restrictive Housing Markets

“…Among these nonexpectant householders, just over 100/0 of white householders, but 16.5% of black householders, found themselves in a different dwelling at the end of the annual interval. This fairly substantial racial difference in the prevalence of unexpected moves is consistent with the contention that residential mobility for black Americans is lessdependent on individual initiative and more influenced by outside forces than is the mobility of whites (Fairchild & Tucker 1982). Further bolstering this contention is the fact that, among those who did not report the expectation of making a voluntarily move (the basis of the current measure), a larger share of blacks than whites reported the expectation of moving for involuntary reasons, such as eviction or the razing of their housing unit.…”

“…In contrast, the stratification model assumes that white racial stereotypes (Farley et al 1994) and the discriminatory practices of real estate agents (Yinger 1995), lending institutions (Squires & Kim 1995), and local governments (Shlay & Rossi 1981) produce a racially segmented housing market in which the ability of blacks to achieve mobility outcomes similar to those of their white counterparts is greatly inhibited (Alba & Logan 1991;Logan & Molotch 1987) and the importance of individual mobility aspirations in determining mobility is reduced for black householders (Fairchild & Tucker 1982;Foley 1973). There are at least two possible implications for the actuation of mobility expectations.…”

Residential Attachment: Sources of Residential and Community Satisfaction

“…Racial and ethnic differences, minority status particularly, can be conceived of as one aspect of social stratification. Minority status implies a host of inequalities in life chances (see Fairchild & Tucker, 1982). Accordingly, both in these and other data sets (e.g., Schuman & Gruenberg, 1972), racial and ethnic differences are associated with variations in residential quality and satisfaction.…”

Foreground and Background: Environment as Site and Social Issue

“…In "Residential Mobility: Theory, Research, and Policy," Rivlin (1982) describes the changing nature of cities and the implications of this change for neighborhood and community life, group affiliation, and individual identity. In this issue, Fairchild and Tucker (1982) connect Black residential mobility to a range of social issues as well as to specific physical environments. Black residential mobility has psychological, sociological, economic, demographic, and geographic origins and effects.…”