Black Votes Count

Parker, F.L.

doi:10.5149/uncp/9780807842744

Cited by 25 publications

(24 citation statements)

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“…3.In the 1960s and 1970s, some asserted that a 65% African-American population was required to provide minorities a realistic opportunity to elect candidates of choice in order to compensate for differentials in voting age eligibility, registration and turnout; see Parker (1990); discussion in Brace et al (1988). …”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Minority Success in Non-Majority Minority Districts: Finding the “Sweet Spot”

Lublin

Handley²,

Brunell³

et al. 2019

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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Though African-American and Latino electoral success in state legislative and congressional elections continues to occur almost entirely in majority-minority districts, minorities now have new opportunities in districts that are only 40–50% minority. This success can primarily be explained in terms of a curvilinear model that generates a “sweet spot” of maximum likelihood of minority candidate electoral success as a function of minority population share of the district and the proportion of the district that votes Republican. Past racial redistricting legal challenges often focused on cracking concentrated racial minorities to prevent the creation of majority-minority districts. Future lawsuits may also follow in the steps of recent successful court challenges against racially motivated packing that resulted in the reduction of minority population percentage in a previously majority-minority district in order to enhance minority opportunity in an adjacent non-majority-minority district.

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Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Minority Success in Non-Majority Minority Districts: Finding the “Sweet Spot”

Lublin

Handley²,

Brunell³

et al. 2019

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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“…9 We supplemented information on the governing structures, electoral systems in use, and the race/ethnicity of councilors from the ICMA surveys with socioeconomic and demographic data from the decennial Census of Population and Housing (1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, interpolated to correspond to the survey year. Section 5 coverage comes from the U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division.…”

Section: Data Analytic Strategy and Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

Are We There Yet? The Voting Rights Act and Black Representation on City Councils, 1981–2006

Shah¹,

Marschall²,

Ruhil³

2013

The Journal of Politics

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Sound evidence demonstrating what, if any, role the Voting Rights Act (VRA) has played in the impressive gains minorities have made in local office holding over the last 45 years remains in short supply. The present study is motivated by three crucial questions. First, where are gains in minority office holding most apparent, and how are these gains related to the VRA? Second, while studies have noted gains in black representation over time, the question of how the VRA in particular has contributed to these gains remains unclear. Finally, given claims made by opponents of the 2006 legislation reauthorizing the VRA that it was no longer needed, the question of when the VRA has been most efficacious, and if it continues to be relevant, is also salient. Our findings suggest that the VRA has been and continues to be an important tool in ensuring black descriptive representation, particularly in places with a legacy of racial intimidation and discrimination.

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“…A frequently cited objective of creating minority districts has been the adoption of policies preferred by minorities (Parker, 1990;Guinier, 1994). Whitby (1997), Guinier (1994), and Canon (1999) contend that black legislators are more responsive to African American policy concerns than are whites.…”

Section: Consequences Of Electing Minority Officialsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A second consequence of electing African Americans has been to enhance minority political participation. The presence of a viable black candidate frequently stimulates black turnout (Button, 1989:227;Browning, Marshall, and Tabb, 1979;Parker, 1990). Case studies of Chicago (Preston, 1987) and Philadelphia (Ransom, 1987) found that a serious African American candidate for mayor spurred black turnout.…”

Section: Consequences Of Electing Minority Officialsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Symbolic Black Representation: An Empirical Test

Bullock¹,

Scicchitano

2001

Social Science Quarterly

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Objective. Symbolic benefits are among the results attributed to increased black political participation. This research explores awareness of the race of the respondent's state senator, a precondition of receipt of symbolic benefits by the black community. African Americans unaware that their senator is black will receive no symbolic benefits from descriptive representation. Methods. Data were gathered by the Florida Survey Research Center in six southern state senate districts, of which three had black senators. Results. Most blacks—as well as most whites—represented by an African American senator were unaware of that fact. Larger percentages of both groups knew the race of their senator when he or she was white than when black. Respondents who knew their senator's name were more likely to also know the legislator's race. African Americans represented by black senators were significantly less likely to know their legislator's race. Conclusions. Black voters' awareness of the name or race of their black senator is in line with other research into voter knowledge about candidates for other offices. To the extent that having black senators provides symbolic benefits, those benefits may go to a thin strata of the politically active.

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Black Votes Count

Cited by 25 publications

References 0 publications

Minority Success in Non-Majority Minority Districts: Finding the “Sweet Spot”

Minority Success in Non-Majority Minority Districts: Finding the “Sweet Spot”

Are We There Yet? The Voting Rights Act and Black Representation on City Councils, 1981–2006

Symbolic Black Representation: An Empirical Test

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