Blogospheric pressures in Singapore: Internet discourses and the 2006 general election

Abstract

Singapore's technological prowess as one of the most networked city, society and nation is reflected in most statistical data. Indeed, Singapore is relentless in its pursuit of making technological and Internet history/ies. In its latest Intelligent Nation 2015 (iN2015) master plan, Singapore plans to integrate all aspects of info-communications into a single ultra-fast broadband platform that will be capable of delivering ultra-fast Internet. This paper provides a brief update on the extent of technological and Internet deployment. More importantly, it looks at how the Internet has further developed by analysing the events surrounding the 2006 General Elections in Singapore. Each election in Singapore is arguably a key regulatory milestone for the Internet because new rules are either invoked via new or revised legislation or new warnings issued to keep a lid on the effectiveness of new technologies. While Singapore has undoubtedly made 'history' in its regulatory approaches and strategies in managing the liberatory impulses, with outright censorship of racial, religious and pornographic -and, since 11 September 2001 (9/11), terrorist-related -websites making headlines around the world, it has also been able to score impressively in the technological competencies of its citizens. In the discussion that follows, we examine the current state of the Singaporean blogosphere and considers if the regulatory landscape has been altered following pressures brought about by blogs and other alternative websites. It argues that the implementation of both overt and subtle controls of alternative political websites as well as heavy-handed actions by the authorities to rein in on errant Internet users and bloggers, along with the occasional talking-down of the significance of the Singaporean blogosphere, have accentuated the ambivalence that the Internet in Singapore has (re)presented.

The Use Motivation of Political Satire Show and the Impacts of Viewing Frequency on Voters’ Political Efficacy and Political Cynicism—Taking <i>Mr. Brown Show</i> as an Example

“…If a columnist presents himself as a non-political observer, while exploiting his access to the mass media to undermine the Government's standing with the electorate, then he is no longer a constructive critic, but a partisan player in politics." Consequently, Mr. Brown's column on Today was forced to put over; his name was also removed from their visiting writers list (Lee & Kan, 2008). After MICA's denounce and his degradation, many supporters gathered to protest.…”

Crafting a Democratic Enclave on the Cyberspace: Case Studies of Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore

“…The story of Singapore is on the contrary, however. Since 1990s the Singaporean government has resorted to restrictive methods to bring the Internet space under control (Rodan 1998;Gomez 2002;Rodan 2004;Lee 2005;Lee and Kan 2009;Lee 2010). While online surveillance and selective website blocking are practiced and in fact pioneered ahead of any other Asian countries, the extension of legal framework governing offline 2…”

“…But their independence and importance are often weakened by various government restrictions included in, for example, the Class License scheme, the Parliamentary Elections Act and the Political Donations Act. Prior to the "gazetting" of Online Citizen mentioned above, Sintercom, a prominent site on online citizen journalism, had been forced to register as a political site, which eventually led to the voluntary closedown of that website in 2001 (Lee and Kan 2009). It is also noteworthy that unlike its Malaysian counterparts run by professional media practitioners, news website such as the Online Citizen is "self-style news portal that is run by voluntary editors and writers" (Gomez and Chang 2010).…”

Smell this: Singapore's curry day and visceral citizenship

“…On the one hand, smell and food practices are ingrained in Singapore's multiracial matrix, because they have been used as markers of local ethnic difference and celebrated as the basis for the city‐state's successful ethnic hybridization (Chua & Rajah, ; Low, ; Duruz & Khoo, : 175). On the other hand, Singaporeans have turned to online spaces for public discussions and to mobilize around various causes, building on a growing dissatisfaction with mainstream online media coverage and with the ways state authorities have been trying to educate citizens on the ‘appropriate’ ways to discuss issues of collective concern online (Lyons, ; Lee & Kan, ; Gomes, ).…”