Brazil's 'pro-poor' strategies: what South Africa could learn

Seidman, Gay W.

doi:10.1353/trn.0.0059

Cited by 11 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…Given similar authoritarian pasts, policymakers in both Brazil and South Africa faced the dilemma of democratization coinciding with economic adjustment, as newly elected rulers had to negotiate their country's integration with a competitive global economy. One of the greatest challenges in this regard is the extent to which major industries had to be restructured, with industrial workers facing retrenchment and unions struggling to retain jobs precisely when workers acquired full rights of citizenship (Seidman 2010: 87).…”

Section: Coming To Power: Restrained Redistributionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Class Compromise as Middle Power Activism? Comparing Brazil and South Africa

Westhuizen¹

2012

Gov. & oppos.

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One of the most glaring differences between traditional and emerging middle powers relates to their projection of societal values abroad. Since most emerging powers are essentially fragmented multiclass states, class compromise often emerges to intermediate contradictory demands emanating from fragile political coalitions. Against the backdrop of vast income inequalities, and facing some domestic constituencies favouring liberalization on the one hand against pro-redistributive groups on the other, adopting a middle power role, in the cases of South Africa and Brazil, emerges in order to ameliorate these conflicting demands. Two dimensions are examined very briefly, namely recent mediation efforts in Iran and Libya and attempts to effect redistribution by reforming processes of global governance.

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Section: Coming To Power: Restrained Redistributionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“… 4 In 1989 Brazil's Gini coefficient stood at 0.634. By 2009 it dropped to 0.526, while in South Africa from 2001 to 2006 the Gini coefficient remained at 0.66 (Seidman 2010: 86).…”

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confidence: 99%

Class Compromise as Middle Power Activism? Comparing Brazil and South Africa

Westhuizen¹

2012

Gov. & oppos.

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“…Until recently, democratic Brazil seemed to offer an inspiring case of reform, with a newly democratized state led by a political party closely allied to militant labour unions. Beginning in the early 2000s, Brazil’s labour-friendly government gradually strengthened labour laws, and, perhaps even more significantly, strengthened enforcement, extending ‘formal’ employment status to many more workers and giving them greater access to workplace-linked pensions, health care and other benefits (Pires, 2008; Pochman, 2009; Seidman, 2010). But when a major recession hit, starting in 2014 and deepening in 2015, wealthier citizens rebelled against redistributive social policies.…”

Section: The Sociological Imagination: Can Transnational Campaigns ‘Bmentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond disciplinary boundaries: Leveraging complementary perspectives on global labour

Schulze-Cleven

Herrigel

Lichtenstein

2017

Journal of Industrial Relations

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This symposium-style article brings together scholars from history, sociology and political science to explore how different disciplinary traditions can contribute to a productive dialogue on workers’ collective action and labour power around the world. Grounded in reflections on recent research in three disciplinary communities, the article encourages scholars to tap into findings from other academic traditions to refine the focus and the contextualization of their own analyses. This strategy of moving beyond disciplinary boundaries, the article argues, promises to expand inherited styles of inquiry by encouraging analyses with a wider selection of cases, a more conscious temporal anchoring and broadened geographic reach. The evolution of scholarship along these lines would honour each discipline’s particular conceptual commitments and simultaneously seek to enlist them more broadly for a deeper understanding of labour’s contemporary reorientation.

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“…These increases directly affect the Beneficio Prestado Continuado (BPC) pension program, which has expanded coverage to nearly 90 percent of elderly Brazilians. This monthly payment is denominated in terms of the minimum wage, meaning that mandatory salary increases also strengthen the incomes of pension earners and the households in which they live (Seidman, 2010). Since the late 1990s the Bolsa Família (Family Grant) cash transfer program has steadily grown, disbursing a record R$17.1 billion and reaching more than 50 million individuals in 2011.…”

Section: Examining the New Developmentalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

The New Developmentalism and the Challenges to Long-Term Stability in Brazil

Carrillo¹

2014

Latin American Perspectives

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A new developmentalism is said to have taken hold in Brazil over the past decade. Incorporating multiple policy strategies, it has three main pillars: promoting inclusive growth in the home economy, engaging the international economy to underpin national development and to sustain long-term growth, and pursuing internal and external objectives through the collaboration of a strong state and a strong market. In spite of several major accomplishments, this approach has disproportionately used industrial policy tools to privilege firms in traditional sectors and foster increased reliance on commodities, tendencies that have been enabled by bureaucratic incoherence and weak oversight of public financing. This makes it unlikely that deep productive transformation, a key developmentalist objective as defined by the East Asian experience, will materialize. Dizem que nesta última década, um novo desenvolvimentalismo tomou posse no Brasil. Incorpora muitas estratégias, as quais tem três suportes principais: a promoção dum crescimento globalmente compreensivo no mercado nacional, o aumento das relações com a economia internacional para apoiar o desenvolvimento interno e sustentar o crescimento a longo prazo, e a alcance de objetivos pela colaboração entre um Estado e um mercado fortes. A pesar de várias realizações importantes, este política há empregado, desproporcionalmente, instrumentos de política industrial no sentido de favorecer as empresas dos setores tradicionais e aumentar dependência nas materias primas: uma tendência possibilidada pela incoerência nos procedimentos burocráticos e pela fiscalização fraca dos gastos públicos. Por isso é pouco provável que se realizar qualquer transformação da produção, a que deve ser um objetivo chave desenvolvimentista segundo as padrões da experiências recentes da Ásia oriental.

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Brazil's 'pro-poor' strategies: what South Africa could learn

Cited by 11 publications

References 4 publications

Class Compromise as Middle Power Activism? Comparing Brazil and South Africa

Class Compromise as Middle Power Activism? Comparing Brazil and South Africa

Beyond disciplinary boundaries: Leveraging complementary perspectives on global labour

The New Developmentalism and the Challenges to Long-Term Stability in Brazil

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