Brazil’s Re-encounter with Africa: The Externalization of Domestic Contradictions

Yeros, Paris; Schincariol, Vitor Eduardo; Silva, Thiago Lima da

doi:10.1007/978-981-10-5840-0_5

Cited by 6 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 17 publications

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“…Instead, he focused on BRICS, a pact of five so-called emerging economies (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) seeking a place under the neoliberal sun (see Shivji, 2019). Brazil's relations with Africa under Lula, in essence, replicated neoliberal relations that imperialist centers have always had (Yeros, Schincariol, & Lima, 2019).…”

Section: Populism and Its Limitsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Samir Amin on Democracy and Fascism

Shivji¹

2020

Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journ

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This article discusses the crisis of the liberal democratic form, its manifestation in the rise of the far right, and the popular resistance to it. These developments find their concentrated expression in Latin America which has witnessed the swaying of the pendulum from dictatorship to radical populism through the episodic detour into liberal democracy and back to endemic popular revolts with historic participation of thousands and millions of working people, indigenous communities, and sections of the middle classes, in particular, students. The Latin American scene is briefly surveyed because it has important lessons to teach the international left, and also because it holds up a possible trajectory of political developments in Africa.

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Section: Populism and Its Limitsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Samir Amin on Democracy and Fascism

Shivji¹

2020

Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journ

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“…As shown by Yeros et al (2019), by the 1930s, an alliance emerged as a result of intraclass conflict among the settler class, between the industrialist and landed sectors, that strove for industrial development for the settler society. Being in contradiction with both imperialism and the colonized, the settlers aspired for development akin to that of their kin in Europe, but it was "national" only within the confines of settler society, that is, only if we take into account that "the nation" is constituted by the settlers and not by other nations present in the territory that they internally colonize.…”

Section: The National-settler Development Project and Experimentation...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…After the collapse of the Portuguese right-wing regime in Lisbon, and thus Alcora, following the Carnation Revolution in April 1974, cooperation between Portuguese settlers acting independently and the Rhodesian and South African governments continued in the Angolan and Mozambican Civil Wars. 7 The settler international expedient was also used in South America in an extensive number of cases since at least the Paraguayan War in the nineteenth century, and in the twentieth century most notably in Operation Condor (Yeros et al, 2019)-and, most interestingly, where South Atlantic settler connections were formed. Gisele Lobato (2017) has discovered and traced the steps of a group of Rio de Janeiro policemen connected to state repression that were sent in a "semi-official" mission to Ambriz to fight alongside FNLA (Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola), Zairean, and South African troops against MPLA (Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola) forces in Angola.…”

Section: The National-settler Development Project and Experimentation...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Development Paths in a Settler Society: The Challenges of the Communist Movement in Brazil

Gissoni,

Pires,

Carvalheira

2024

Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journ

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This article addresses the challenges faced by the Communist movement in Brazil by revisiting the contradictions inherited from a colonial mode of accumulation. This was originally a class system based on slavery and composed of the metropolitan colonizer, the settler, and the colonized class. After independence in 1822, which entailed a settler rebellion against the metropolitan colonizer and the continuing exploitation of the colonized, the settlers reproduced the colonial mode of accumulation internally and oversaw the transition to a capitalist mode of production. An interclass, bourgeois–labor alliance occurred in the mid-twentieth century but was limited to the ranks of the settlers and underpinned by the myth of “racial democracy.” It included a degree of confrontation with imperialism coupled with industrial development but reproduced the colonial mode of accumulation internally. This article sheds light on the contradictions that followed, including the military regime installed in 1964 and the neo-colonial transition in the 1990s, under finance capital. In light of the bourgeoisie’s shifting alliances at the expense of the sovereign aspirations of the working people, an interclass alliance has become impossible. Only a truly popular political project is capable of liberating the nation and that is the only one the Communists should espouse.

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“…In almost all cases, universal suffrage without any qualifications advanced only after the Second World War, but again most transitions were aborted by the hardening of white supremacism and serial coups d'etat. In most cases, the transition to neo-colonialism was only made possible under neoliberalism, in this late phase of neo-colonialism, with South Africa and Brazil in particular shaking off the settler-colonial stranglehold simultaneously (Yeros, Schincariol, & Silva, 2019).…”

Section: Neo-colonialism: Early and Latementioning

confidence: 99%

Late Neo-colonialism: Monopoly Capitalism in Permanent Crisis

Yeros¹,

Jha²

2020

Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journ

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This article celebrates the lifelong contribution of Samir Amin by advancing the analysis of the long crisis of monopoly capitalism. It takes issue with reductionist and ahistorical theories of crisis to grasp the nature of the present as a terminal systemic crisis, which has played out in the long transition from colonialism to neo-colonial rule. Kwame Nkrumah had foretold of the destructive nature of this transition for both North and South, and he had astutely seen in it ‘the last stage of imperialism’. Late neo-colonialism represents the stalemate of this transition. Its elements include, on the one hand, the collapse of the Bandung movement and the Soviet system, and on the other, the permanent crisis of monopoly capitalism. The neoliberal assault on the peoples of the South, in particular, has not brought resolution to the profitability crisis. The concentration of capital persists today hand in hand with the escalation of primitive accumulation and war, while national sovereignty continues to fray in the peripheries, where a series of countries succumb to a new semi-colonial situation, whereas others fall prey to fascism. The crisis of monopoly capitalism will only be overcome when genuine solidarity takes root among the North and South and the socialist transition takes hold—as Amin so fervently defended.

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Brazil’s Re-encounter with Africa: The Externalization of Domestic Contradictions

Cited by 6 publications

References 17 publications

Samir Amin on Democracy and Fascism

Samir Amin on Democracy and Fascism

Development Paths in a Settler Society: The Challenges of the Communist Movement in Brazil

Late Neo-colonialism: Monopoly Capitalism in Permanent Crisis

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