Brent Spar, Atlantic Oil and Greenpeace

Bennie, Lynn

doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a028805

Cited by 46 publications

(16 citation statements)

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“…The rig itself was occupied by protestors for three weeks, and massive consumer boycotts were organized on the European continent. Shell opted for on‐shore disposal alternatives (Bennie 1998). The redevelopment of a 19th century industrial area of Melbourne was authorized by the Government of Victoria with a requirement for only minimal soil remediation.…”

Section: Private Regulationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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BeyondResponsive Regulation: The expanding role of non‐state actors in the regulatory process

Grabosky

2012

Regulation & Governance

119

101

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This comment extends the vision of Responsive Regulation by noting subsequent developments in regulatory pluralism, in particular those occurring under private auspices. The apparent weakening or withdrawal of state regulatory institutions has inspired considerable regulatory activity on the part of non-state actors. In addition, the concurrent growth and pervasiveness of digital technology have greatly facilitated the involvement of individual citizens in non-state regulatory activity. However, the full implications of what might be called "wiki-regulation" remain to be seen. The risks that accompany private regulation may include the lack of accountability of non-state regulatory actors, and the possibility of their failure. There is also a risk that with the increasing salience of what Vogel calls "civil regulation," state regulatory institutions may atrophy, or fail to develop at all.

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Section: Private Regulationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Private Regulationmentioning

confidence: 99%

BeyondResponsive Regulation: The expanding role of non‐state actors in the regulatory process

Grabosky

2012

Regulation & Governance

119

101

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“…Löfstedt and Renn conclude that there was a failure of counterarguments resulting from the inadequate communication strategy of Shell and the lack of trustworthiness of such a company, in terms of symbolic meaning 7 and from the one-sided media coverage dominated by Greenpeace (Löfstedt and Renn, 1997, p. 134). Regarding this event Greenpeace has been described as the gatekeeper of information as they have been uncritically supported by the media at the early stage of the public conflict (Bennie, 1998;Anderson, 1997). This means that even though there had been other arguments, they did not appear and rarely had a chance to appear in the media because of the overwhelming power of symbolic.…”

Section: "Consensus" In the Forest Die-backmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This fact led to a huge discussion on scientific reasoning and argumentation in public communication (Bennie, 1998) which cannot for practical reasons be followed up in this article. 9 For example, Heinrich Spieker a forest scientist in Freiburg Germany stated years after that he did not agree with this argument, but he did not appear in the media public.…”

Section: Conclusion or Talking "Habermasian"mentioning

confidence: 99%

Confronting the demands of a deliberative public sphere with media constraints

Kleinschmit¹

2012

Forest Policy and Economics

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“…To Paisley 2001, "it is clear that the Internet is now one of the venues of public debate; other competing points of view are only 'a click away'" (p. 7). Bennie (1998) It is no small wonder that Greenpeace has set out to try its strategies online. Cyberadvocacy is defined as "a means by which advanced information and communication technologies (e.g., e-mail, list-serv, and the www or the Internet) are used by individuals and groups to communicate with large audiences, galvanizing individuals around a specific issue or set of issues in an attempt to build solidarity towards meaningful collective actions" (para.1, Networked Publics, 2005).…”

Section: The Channelmentioning

confidence: 99%

Greenpeace cyberadvocacy: message strategies and the framing of the "say no to genetic engineering" campaign

Guzman

Adrianne²

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This study focuses on Greenpeace International's cyberadvocacy against genetic engineering (GE), an issue that threatens to remain contentious for a long time to come. How GE was framed by Greenpeace in two countries with different policy stances toward GE-Australia (which is precautionary) and Philippines (which is generally permissive)-was also compared. Content analysis was used to examine four message characteristics (objectives, arguments, appeals and proportion of text to visuals) of Greenpeace's anti-GE website and the framing of genetic engineering in news articles and press releases published in websites dedicated to the two countries. It was found that most of Greenpeace's website pages were meant to create awareness and encourage information seeking among its identified target audiences. Logos argumentation was employed by citing statistics and using logical reasoning. For the most part, the pages highlighted the risks of genetic engineering by means of negative appeals. Nearly all pages allocated one visual per article. Considering these message characteristics, it can be inferred that Greenpeace International targets its GE messages toward latent and aware publics, and applied message strategies pertinent to these audience segments. A content analysis of websites dedicated to Australia and the Philippines showed spikes in news items published that preceded the approval of the commercial release of genetically modified crops: GE canola in Australia (2003), Bt corn (2002) and Bayer rice (2007) in the Philippines. In both countries, biotechnology policy was the most dominant frame that structured the articles, however, a closer examination of the frames showed the use of specific generic frames culled from GE literature, suggesting that Greenpeace does not blindly employ a hodgepodge of frames. It latches on to a few and exploits these frames to explain its advocated position. The Philippines also used significantly more frames and sources in longer articles with Greenpeace representatives or spokespersons cited first. 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM Greenpeace, an international non-profit environmental organization with a presence in 40 countries across Europe, the Americas, Asia and the Pacific, is known worldwide for its advocacy work of which communication campaigns are an integral component. Indeed, it has demonstrated the power of its advocacy for environmental protection issues in the local and international arena. In many instances, it has shown its ability to use the media to overcome corporate and government resistance. For example, during the Brent Spar controversy in 1995, it launched a campaign that forced the giant energy company Shell to postpone a planned deep-water disposal of its oil storage tanks (Bakir, 2006). Anderson (1997), who analyzed Greenpeace's sophisticated media strategy during the Brent Spar affair, observes that the communication campaign "was based around dramatic news footage, beamed via satellite to television stations around Europe" (p.11). "Duri...

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Brent Spar, Atlantic Oil and Greenpeace

Cited by 46 publications

References 0 publications

BeyondResponsive Regulation: The expanding role of non‐state actors in the regulatory process

BeyondResponsive Regulation: The expanding role of non‐state actors in the regulatory process

Confronting the demands of a deliberative public sphere with media constraints

Greenpeace cyberadvocacy: message strategies and the framing of the "say no to genetic engineering" campaign

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