British Propaganda and News Media in the Cold War

Jenks, John

doi:10.3366/edinburgh/9780748623143.001.0001

Cited by 25 publications

(10 citation statements)

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“…The 'Red Dean' of Canterbury Cathedral, Hewlett Johnson, who was (Jenks 2006;Lashmar and Oliver 1998, 153-161).…”

Section: Ird Background and Operationsmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Throughout its history IRD propaganda attacks targeted contemporary communists, militant trade unionists, revolutionary students, anti-colonial nationalists, 'front' organization leaders and a wide range of public figures suspected of private communist sympathies or 'fellow travelling'. Contemporary academics could also be targets if they had the wrong views on the Soviet Union or China and had influence on public opinion (Jenks 2006;. A wild charge of pre-war espionage against a long-dead Keynesian economist would be clearly out of character for the IRD.…”

Section: 'Deacon' Mccormick's Track Recordmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Other material came to the omnivorous IRD from diplomatic posts, trade unionists, academics, journalists, MI5, MI6, military intelligence, communist defectors and friendly foreign intelligence services. Specialists working in seven different geographic sections trawled through the raw material, and writers in the Editorial and Special Operations sections polished their results for outside consumption (Jenks 2006).…”

Section: Ird Background and Operationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Hayek: A Collaborative Biography

Leeson¹

2014

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“…The 'Red Dean' of Canterbury Cathedral, Hewlett Johnson, who was (Jenks 2006;Lashmar and Oliver 1998, 153-161).…”

Section: Ird Background and Operationsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: 'Deacon' Mccormick's Track Recordmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Ird Background and Operationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Hayek: A Collaborative Biography

Leeson¹

2014

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“…The acclaim marked a break from both the multifarious depictions of the USSR during the 1930s*where left-wing publications reiterated the Stalinist line (albeit under subdued protest) and right-wing newspapers criticised the USSR relentlessly (Jones 1977;Bell 1990, 18)*and the consensus of suspicion and hostility that dominated British media during the Cold War (McNair 1988). While the post-war transformation of the Soviet Union in the press from celebrated ally to adversary has received notable attention (Foster 1990;Shaw 2002;Jenks 2006), there has been little investigation into the earlier consolidation of the USSR as comrade-in-arms. This paper examines this process, analysing how the British popular press developed its positive discursive construction of the Soviet Ally.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Making of the Soviet Ally in British Wartime Popular Press

Knight¹

2013

Journalism Studies

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This study conducts a framing analysis of British popular press representations of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) during 1939Á41, when the definition of the Soviet Union as Ally was conceived, dismissed, revived and finally embraced with an enthusiasm that endured to the eve of the Cold War. Particular attention is paid to the ways in which the press framed an initially inscrutable third party to a bilateral conflict, and how it handled that party's transformation into an official ally. The definition of the Soviet Ally is found to be consistently reassuring and relational, with the Soviet frame depending upon other parties (particularly Britain) for much of its content.

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“…Yet it can be argued that both Channel 4 and the BBC -long the bogus whipping boy of the hysterical tabloid pressare in reality at almost every turn faithful servants of vested interests of private wealth and state power (Edwards and Cromwell 2005;Garland 2011;Harper 2012). Historically, for example, the BBC has tended to support the British government's foreign policy during both the Cold War (Jenks 2006) and afterwards (Edwards and Cromwell 2005). Indeed, a Cardiff University study into the BBC's reporting of the Iraq war showed that the BBC was actually less critical of the invasion than its commercial competitors (Lewis 2004).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Did Somebook-body Say Neoliberalism? On the Uses and Limitations of a Critical Concept in Media and Communication Studies

Garland

Harper

2015

Marx and the Political Economy of the Media

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This paper explores the political-economic basis and ideological effects of talk about neoliberalism with respect Keywords: Neoliberalism, Marxism, Critical Theory, Critical Media and Communication Studies, HackgateThe media and communication studies textbooks of the early 1980s constituted an ideological battleground for the struggle between liberal pluralism, on the one hand, and Marxism, on the other (see, for example, Gurevitch et al. 1982). Under the influence of European critical theory and British cultural studies, Marxist communication scholars talked of capitalism and class struggle, and accused pluralists of underestimating structures of domination (Hall 1982). With stronger roots in US sociological tradition, pluralist media critics advocated for democracy, chastising Marxists for their economic determinism or functionalism. While it is certainly possible to read the history of the relationship between Marxist and liberal pluralist approaches to media and cultural studies in terms of a series of rapprochements and overlaps (McLennan 1989), there can be little doubt that in recent decades, the pluralist perspective has all but vanquished its erstwhile ideological competitor.Marxism has always, of course, been marginalised in media and communication studies. In the twentieth century, for example, McCarthyism in the US and the Radikalenerlass in Germany restricted the activities of Marxist communication scholars. Nevertheless, in the 1960s and 1970s, Marxism was a driving force in workers' struggles and a tangible presence in the academy. The critical marginalisation of Marxism became particularly apparent with the ebbing of class struggle in the 1980s and 1990s. In these decades, the disciplines of media and cultural studies, under the sway of a celebratory postmodernism, came to distinguish their pluralist wisdom from the supposedly "elitist" positions of the different Marxist traditions, continually emphasising the eclectic nature of their own standpoints and of the media cultures they critiqued. According to the pluralist paradigm, the newspaper reader, the television viewer, the radio listener are free to consumer culture as active, empowered, resistant audiences in a marketplace of ideas underpinned and sustained by liberal democratic ideology. Following on from this there is the recognition that capitalism may have some shortcomings, but it is 'the best we've got' and so must be made the best of: the capitalist system and its media institutions are seen to represent the best possible arrangement of things. The popularity of this perspective in the cultural studies milieu of the 1990s has reconfigured the ideological co-ordinates of cultural and media theory, so that for many critics today, the task of media and cultural criticism is no longer to critique capitalism, but to defend the principles of "democracy" and "pluralism" against unwelcome encroachments of the market -

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British Propaganda and News Media in the Cold War

Cited by 25 publications

References 0 publications

Hayek: A Collaborative Biography

Hayek: A Collaborative Biography

The Making of the Soviet Ally in British Wartime Popular Press

Did Somebook-body Say Neoliberalism? On the Uses and Limitations of a Critical Concept in Media and Communication Studies

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