, were among the top ten metropolitan areas where population growth was attributable to immigrants (New American Economy [NAE] 2019). In other cities, such as Dayton, Ohio, Memphis, Tennessee, and New Haven, Connecticut, influxes of immigrants helped stem population loss (NAE 2019). Although none of these cities is considered a traditional immigrant gateway (Singer 2013), they are among the many locations where concentrations of immigrants now live. Of course, immigrants have resided in urban communities throughout American history (Portes and Rumbaut 2014) and cluster in large metropolises even today. However, over the past 30 years, immigrants and refugees have moved in larger numbers to many new places and smaller cities throughout the United States (Massey 2008; Singer 2013; Singer et al. 2008). Immigrants' presence and activities change the places where they live. Immigrants can transform job and housing markets, school systems, and the diversity of communities. For example, entrepreneurship rates are higher for immigrants than among native-born Americans (Fairlie et al. 2010). Not only do immigrants create jobs with their new businesses, they also fill positions in both low-and high-skilled occupations (Blau and Mackie 2017). In many cities, immigrants purchase homes, with the knock-on effects of lowering vacant property rates and housing stock abandonment (Pottie-Sherman 2018). With the arrival of immigrant families, city schools fill and diversify (Kao et al. 2013). As much as the neighborhoods, cities, and nations shape the lived experiences of newcomers, immigrants also mold the places they live (Alba and Nee 2003). Immigrants contribute to their communities, but debates often center more on what immigrants are perceived to cost than the ways they benefit their new homes. For example, medical and educational investments in immigrants are often portrayed as costs to taxpayers in political debates and some public media (Goldman et al. 2006; Marrow 2012), especially upon immigrants' initial arrival (Blau and Mackie 2017). Another focus has been about the putative effects of foreign-born workers on native-born workers' job opportunities and wages (most notably see Card 2009 and Borjas 2014; for overviews of their debate, see Card and Peri 2016; Frum 2016; Lowenstein 2006). Ideological stances on the value or risk of immigration aside, overall scholarship about the costs and benefits of migration generally shows that immigrants (documented, undocumented, and refugees) pay more in taxes, for instance, than they receive in benefits (Gee et al. 2016; NAE 2017;