In two seminal papers in the early 1970s, Borcherding and Deacon (1972) and Bergstrom and Goodman (1973) (hereafter referred to as BDBG) attempted for the first time to estimate the exhaustibility (or rivalness) characteristics of local public goods. Their method was based upon the examination of the effects of population change on the expenditure patterns of cities. The use of this method, however, has almost uniformly resulted in the counterintuitive conclusion that local public goods are actually pure private goods with respect to their crowding behavior. Gonzalez and Mehay (1985), for example, note that in addition to the original two articles, at least six subsequent studies have come to this conclusion. Borcherding, Bush, and Spann (1977) have argued that bureaucracy is to blame for these results. Specifically, they suggest that, in order to increase their budgets, bureaucrats may use their power to alter the composition of local government spending in favor of goods and services toward the private good end of the local public good spectrum. In addition, BBS argue that if bureaucratic power is correlated with population across cities, the BDBG methodology will be biased in the direction of pure private goods. Under such a correlation, part of the extra spending in larger cities which is erroneously attributed to greater population by the BDBG approach is actually due to greater bureaucratic power in those larger cities. In a more recent paper, Gonzalez and Mehay (1985) have suggested that the presence of bureaucracy completely invalidates the BDBG approach, necessitating an alternative and less precise methodology to estimate the publicness of local public goods.In this paper I use a new, more exact model of bureaucratic influence to argue that bureaucracy cannot be responsible for the anomalous results found in the empirical literature. The paper demonstrates that: (1) if bureaucracies can alter the composition of spending in a community, they will push for local public goods which are close to the pure public good, rather than pure private good, extreme; and (2) if bureaucratic power is correlated with population, the estimated results will be biased toward the pure public good extreme. The purpose of the paper, then, is to divert study on the question of these empirical results away from bureaucracy into more fruitful lines of research.Section 1 details the model of bureaucracy used to examine these questions. Sections 2 and 3 contain proofs of the propositions listed above. Section 4 dis-