C-to-v Incorporation and Subject Raising Across Cp-Boundary

Abstract

The Subject Raising (SR) in Japanese is an A-movement across a CPboundary. It remains unclear why such a movement is possible without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition. To answer this question, it is proposed in this article that the head of the embedded CP in the SR construction undergoes incorporation to the selecting V. It is argued that this proposal not only solves the above mentioned problem but also account for (i) the otherwise systematic locality effects on A-movement in Japanese, (ii) the otherwise unexplained behavior of the indeterminate pronoun in the embedded subject position, and (iii) the fact that the embedded clause cannot have a temporal reference independent of the matrix clause.

Indeterminate Pronoun Binding and Bound Pronouns in Japanese Raising-to-Object Construction: Agree-Based Construal

“…2 A breakthrough in RTO research in the minimalist era can be found in Sakai (1998), which argues that Indeterminate Pronoun Binding helps make it clear that the raised DP is originally located within the embedded CP. Hiraiwa (2005) and Ogawa (2007) also present very intriguing explanations for the data contained in Sakai (1998).…”

“…That is, indeterminate pronouns can be licensed by reconstruction. On the other hand, the latter including Kishimoto (2001), Hiraiwa (2005), and Ogawa (2007) claim that indeterminate pronouns not be licensed outside the domain of mo. Though more research is needed, I will take the position of a strict version of the freezing effect in this paper, based on my own judgment.…”

“…In this section we will review two intriguing analyses for the RTO-IPB paradox: Hiraiwa (2005) and Ogawa (2007). Although their analyses seem to get around the paradoxical situation successfully, flaws come to light when faced with more complex data.…”

“…The purpose of the present research is twofold: one is to claim that Reuland's (2011) Agree-based Construal, together with Hiraiwa's (2005) analysis, can explain the data in which RTO interacts with bound pronouns that is discussed in Ogawa (2007); the other is to show that the case-licensed position of the accusative DP raised from within the lower TP may be Spec-FocP. Hiraiwa (2005) argues that the DP is raised to the CP-periphery, but did not show any specific position.…”

“…In Section 2, after reviewing the properties of RTO and Indeterminate Pronoun Binding, we will discuss a paradoxical situation which arises from the interaction of these two phenomena. In Section 3, we will review two previous studies which present intriguing mechanisms for solving the paradox: Hiraiwa (2005) and Ogawa (2007), and then some problematic cases concerning those approaches will be introduced. Section 4 will discuss how the data can be explained straightforwardly if we adopt the Agree-based Construal proposed in Reuland (2001Reuland ( , 2011.…”