Campaigning and Governing: An Analysis of Berlusconi's Rhetorical Leadership

Abstract

SummaryThis article explores the communication strategy of Silvio Berlusconi through the analytical framework of the ‘permanent campaign’ model. Beginning with the distinction between ‘personal popularity’ and ‘political consensus’, the article looks at the different aspects of Berlusconi's political communication strategy since his election victory in May 2001 and assesses the rationale and effectiveness of his permanent campaign. The author concludes that, despite Berlusconi's strong commitment to the communication process, his leadership appears more similar to the rhetorical Presidency model than to the experiences of leaders who have shown that campaigning can also be used to govern. The article identifies two key limits: (1) the link between the drive for personal popularity and the building of support for the government's main policies appears weak; (2) all communication strategies are undermined by deep divisions within the ruling coalition.

Surfing and trying to keep afloat: The political communication process in a highly fragmented coalition led by a ‘Great Mediator’

“…Even though in 2001 the centre-right coalition had won a large majority in both chambers, in subsequent years the premier was not able to fulfil his election promises because of the interlocking vetoes of his allies. For the same reason, despite his communication-intensive permanent campaign, neither did Berlusconi try to convert his personal popularity into political support for his programme (Ricolfi 2006;Roncarolo 2005). Having failed to keep the promises contained in the 'Contract with the Italian People' he had 'signed' before the elections, in the end he could not fully enjoy the advantages of incumbency.…”

Leaders and legitimacy: Lessons from two Labor leadership transitions

“…Firstly, it emphasises the point that rhetoric is part of the foundation upon which political legitimacy is built. Studies of rhetoric often focus on how political leaders wield this as a persuasive tool when governing (see, for example, Masters and 't Hart 2012;Roncarolo 2005;Wood 2007), but the Keating and Gillard cases remind us that rhetoric is also critical for establishing a leader's right to govern in the first place; it is a tool for creating leadership as much as exercising it. If a political leader cannot persuade the public of their essential legitimacy, then they will lack the authority and autonomy to lead -as Gillard arguably experienced throughout her three years in office.…”

The Permanent Campaign of Rafael Correa: Making Ecuador's Plebiscitary Presidency

“…Nonetheless, the permanent campaign also found its way into parliamentary systems as politicians turned to marketing techniques to promote their policy agendas. Scholars have applied the notion to the governance styles of British prime minister Tony Blair (Needham 2005), Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi (Roncaraolo 2005), and Australian prime minister John Howard (Van Onselen and Errington 2007).…”