Campaigning on an upper level? Individual campaigning in the 2009 European Parliament elections in its determinants

Giebler, Heiko; Wüst, Andreas M.

doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2010.09.018

Cited by 42 publications

(32 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…In this case, the time candidates devote to campaigning and budget spent in European campaigning can even exceed national campaigning. 6 Furthermore, a study on candidate selection in German parties highlights that the past observation of parties choosing old career personnel for the European Parliament does not hold true any more and differences between candidate selection for national and European election decrease. 7 Previous analysis on the third commodity on the supply side -the European election manifestos -concentrates on the question of whether German parties frame their manifestos in the European context.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

The Supply Side of Second-Order Elections: Comparing German National and European Election Manifestos

Brunsbach¹,

John²,

Werner³

2012

German Politics

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The second-order character of past European elections is a well-established hypothesis with respect to voter turnout and voting behaviour. This paper presents a conceptual framework for testing this hypothesis on the supply side of European elections. It includes three groups of indicators allowing for the comparison of national and European election manifestos to determine the latter's second-order nature: (1) resource allocation, measured by the number of actors involved in manifesto adoption and by the manifestos' length; (2) the manifestos' content, comparing issue congruence and framing; and (3) political competition, measured by the ideological distance between manifestos. Building on this, we analyse the manifestos of all relevant German parties in the 2009 European and national elections using Comparative Manifesto Project data as well as original, self-created data on election manifestos. We find major variations between parties which can neither be explained by government participation nor satisfaction with the European Union. INTRODUCTION European elections are commonly ascribed as second-order elections. Initially, this thesis was developed for the demand side of elections, or voter behaviour, 1 and has been tested as such on several occasions. 2 Going beyond this perspective, questions about parties and their relationship to European elections arise. More precisely, one can ask whether parties also regard European elections as second-order elections and what impact this type of election has on parties' behaviour. In order to answer these questions, an analysis of the allocation of parties' supply is needed to determine whether parties show different allocation patterns in European as opposed to national elections. In other words, by comparing parties' supply of three commoditiescandidates, campaigns and election manifestos -we can evaluate whether parties treat first-and second-order elections differently. Due to the mix of methods and range of data necessary for these analyses, existing empirical studies concentrate on the analysis of each of these three 'commodities' separately. Thus far, only studies on campaigning provide a clear analytical framework for testing the second-order nature of European elections as well as empirical results for single countries, in particular Germany. More precisely, comparative analyses of election campaigns reveal that German parties invest far fewer resources in European than Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 15:12 03 February 2015 national election campaigns. 3 Additional studies of German election campaigns show, in general, a lower degree of the campaigning professionalism often found in European elections but, furthermore, highlight an increasing professionalism between the campaigns in 2004 to 2009. 4 Whether this finding however is influenced by the subsequent national election four months later is not clear yet. 5 Moreover, a second-order nature can be partially confirmed for individual candidates' campaigning behaviour as they spend less time...

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

The Supply Side of Second-Order Elections: Comparing German National and European Election Manifestos

Brunsbach¹,

John²,

Werner³

2012

German Politics

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“…Thus we assume that major parties, as measured by their seat share in national parliaments, should be expected to have more funds, staff and training at their disposal, thereby allowing them to campaign more professionally. Another way is to identify government parties, whose candidates seem to commit more funds to campaigning (Giebler and Wüst, 2011). In line with the normalisation thesis, we hence investigate the extent with which national power ought to correlate with party resources and thus favour the usage of Twitter as a campaign tool.…”

Section: Does Social Media Upset Traditional Power Relations?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…They fail to find any significant impact of electoral system variables on website features such as newsletters, personal information, and social network links. A sophisticated study on the campaigns of 1336 candidates in these elections by Giebler and Wüst (2011) shows that preferential voting did not influence campaign intensity as measured by time and money spent, but that it had a significant positive impact on the extent to which candidates used post-modern campaign tools, such as websites or social networks.…”

Section: The Impact Of Electoral Institutions On the Electoral Connecmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Therefore, we also include the safety of a candidate's electoral position into our analysis. Giebler and Wüst (2011) differentiate conceptually between hopeless, unsafe, and safe seats in their study of candidates in the 2009 European election. They suggest that candidates in the latter two categories exhibit similar behaviour in terms of campaign intensity and tools used (Giebler & Wüst, 2011:58), but that hopeless candidates significantly lag behind in terms of the intensity and tools used in their campaigning, including in the use of electronic and online campaign tools.…”

Section: The Impact Of Electoral Institutions On the Electoral Connecmentioning

confidence: 99%

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An online electoral connection? How electoral systems condition representatives’ social media use

Obholzer

Daniel

2016

European Union Politics

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This article analyses the impact of electoral institutions on the re-election campaigning and outreach strategies of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) on the Twitter social media platform. Social media offers politicians a means to contact voters remotely and at low cost. We test the effect of diverse national proportional representation electoral institutions in European elections on a possible online electoral connection. We draw upon an original dataset of MEP Twitter activity before, during, and after the 2014 European elections. Our results confirm that variation in electoral institutions leads to meaningful differentiation in MEP social media campaigning, which is further affected by national party, voter and MEP characteristics. MEPs make constructive use of Twitter, but there is no sustained online electoral connection.

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“…Effective political representation and accountability is the primary function of elections (Powell, 2000). News attention to EU actors can be seen as facilitating dissemination of information about policy proposals, performance and personalities and therefore make vote choices more meaningful (Giebler & Wüst, 2011). We know from previous research that EU actors are largely absent from news coverage.…”

Section: Explaining Europeanized News Coverage: Formulating Expectationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Finding Europe: Mapping and explaining antecedents of ‘Europeanness’ in news about the 2009 European Parliamentary Elections

Schuck¹,

Vreese²

2011

SC|M

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Previous research has characterized European news coverage as mainly domestic in focus, hampering the emergence of a European public sphere. This study analyses the European nature of the news coverage of the 2009 European Parliamentary elections. We not only describe the level of Europeanness in news coverage but also propose a comprehensive model to explain differences across countries. We employ a cross-national media content analysis (N=52.009) conducted in all 27 EU member states. Findings show that especially public TV channels and broadsheet newspapers are more European in coverage than their private and tabloid counterparts. Newspapers are also more European in focus in general compared to television. Furthermore, coverage is more European in countries with higher public EU support, the coverage gets more European during the campaign and is more European in countries that are geographically closer to Brussels, and in which no other elections take place at the same time.Keywords: Europeanization, European elections, election coverage, cross-national comparison, media content analysis Zusammenfassung: Medienberichterstattung über die Europäische Union (EU) ist überwie-gend national fokussiert, was sowohl für die Entwicklung einer Europäischen Öffentlich-keit hinderlich ist als auch einer aktiveren Teilnahme von Seiten der Bürger am europäi-schen Projekt entgegensteht. Die vorliegende Studie analysiert die Medienberichterstattung zur Europawahl 2009. Dabei beschreiben wir nicht nur, wie europäisch der Fokus der Berichterstattung zur Europawahl war, sondern entwickeln und testen zudem ein Model, um Unterschiede in der Berichterstattung zwischen den Mitgliedsstaaten anhand von länder-, medien-und zeitabhängigen Faktoren zu erklären. Unsere Analyse basiert dabei auf einer in allen 27 EU-Mitgliedsstaaten durchgeführten Medieninhaltsanalyse von Zeitungs-und TVNachrichten (N=52.009). Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Medienberichterstattung in öffentlich-rechtlichen TV-Sendern und in Qualitätszeitungen europäischer im Fokus ist, verglichen mit privaten TV-Sendern und anderen Zeitungen. Zeitungen sind zudem generell europäischer im Fokus ihrer Berichterstattung als TV-Sender. Desweiteren zeigen unsere Ergebnisse, dass Medienberichterstattung generell europäischer im Fokus ist in Ländern, in denen die öffentliche Meinung gegenüber der EU positiver eingestellt ist und in Ländern die geographisch näher zu Brüssel liegen und in denen keine andere nationale Wahl parallel zur Europawahl stattfindet. Zudem nimmt der Fokus auf Europa zu, je näher der Wahltag rückt.

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Campaigning on an upper level? Individual campaigning in the 2009 European Parliament elections in its determinants

Cited by 42 publications

References 27 publications

The Supply Side of Second-Order Elections: Comparing German National and European Election Manifestos

The Supply Side of Second-Order Elections: Comparing German National and European Election Manifestos

An online electoral connection? How electoral systems condition representatives’ social media use

Finding Europe: Mapping and explaining antecedents of ‘Europeanness’ in news about the 2009 European Parliamentary Elections

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