Can Mercosur Survive? Domestic and International Constraints on Mercosur

Carranza, Mario E.

doi:10.1111/j.1548-2456.2003.tb00241.x

Cited by 26 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…However, RTA cooperation has tended to break down in Latin America when macroeconomic performance weakens (Eichengreen 2004). For example, periodic current account defi cits have caused Brazil and Argentina to reverse their commitments to Mercosur a number of times since 1995 (Carranza 2003). In this sense, the current account is not just an indicator of a commitment to market-oriented reform but also a guarantor of a sustainable orientation to the new international division of labor.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Macroeconomic Deeds, Not Reform Words: The Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment in Latin America

Montero¹

2008

Latin American Research Review

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confidence: 99%

Macroeconomic Deeds, Not Reform Words: The Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment in Latin America

Montero¹

2008

Latin American Research Review

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“…The lack of formal regional-level harmonization of telecommunications policy is not unexpected. Mercosur, for example, has been experiencing difficulties in policy coordination even in its core areas of economic coordination (Levi-Faur, 2004) and harmonization of monetary policies (Carranza, 2003).…”

Section: Regional Levelmentioning

confidence: 99%

Intra‐regional diffusion of spectrum license allocation policies

Pogrebnyakov

Maitland²

2013

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Purpose-This paper aims to develop a greater understanding of international telecommunications policy diffusion through preliminary, qualitative analysis of an expected utility model. The model is tested through analyses of diffusion of spectrum license allocation policies within and between regions. Design/methodology/approach-A qualitative comparative case method is used. Cases are developed from secondary data from the European Union and South America, and analyzed at the national and regional levels. Findings-The results suggest: the expected utility model can be used for in-depth qualitative analyses to compare effects of various diffusion mechanisms; diffusion of spectrum license allocation policies at the regional level was more strongly driven by a policy's likely effectiveness, as compared to potential payoffs for policymakers; and conversely, at the national level diffusion was driven by both payoffs for the policymakers and likely policy effectiveness. Originality/value-The two academic contributions of the paper are its expansion of a unified policy diffusion model to simultaneously account for regional and national levels of governance, as well as for technological change and its application in the telecommunications domain. Practical contributions include providing a framework for systematic analysis of a telecommunications policy's benefits for the public as well as policymakers.

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“…With global attention focussed on the way in which NAFTA mediated the relationship between trade and environment, greater pressure was felt by those negotiating its terms to strengthen environmental provisions. By contrast, ongoing negotiations within Mercosur and ALCA have been, to some extent, overshadowed by economic crisis within the region (Argentina in 2000/2001 and previously Brazil's massive currency devaluation in January 1999) such that the very project of regional integration has been in doubt at key moments (Carranza 2003). The timing of the decline in collective environmental provisions under Mercosur is, according to Hochstetler (2003: 4) 'most clearly linked to the severe crisis of the entire Mercosur argreement and the Argentine economic crisis in the late 1990s in particular, which had little to do with the environmental protocol itself, but contributed to its decline'.…”

Section: The Politics Of Mobilisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…ALCA, (FTAA), surpasses the previous two agreements in its potential breadth and ambition, with some suggesting that Mercosur could be absorbed within ALCA (Carranza 2003). As Fisher puts it; 'As we begin the new century, negotiators are looking ahead to one of the most demanding trade negotiations in history: the goal is a comprehensive agreement linking 34 countries and 800 million people from the Arctic Ocean to Tierra del Fuego' (Fisher 2002:183).…”

Section: Alcamentioning

confidence: 99%

Civil Society Participation in Trade Policy-making in Latin America: The Case of the Environmental Movement

Newell

2008

Handbook on Trade and the Environment

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Abstract:In recent years, and particularly perhaps since the 'battle of Seattle' in 1999, the issue of civil society participation in trade policy has attracted increasing policy and academic attention. Much of this attention has been drawn to the question of institutional access and channels of participation and representation within the WTO. The challenge is one that has faced other global institutions such as the World Bank and IMF for a number of years (O'Brien et al 2000).Improving the transparency of and access to decision-making in the context of up-scaling civil society participation is not exclusively a global challenge, however. There has been a great deal of activity at the regional level around trade negotiations and increasingly in Latin America with the FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas) following in the wake of NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) and Mercosur (Mercado Común del Sur). Few institutional reforms have been brought about without significant pressure from civil society, however. Some challenges are common to all movements attempting to participate and make their voice heard in the sensitive and traditionally closed arena of trade negotiations. But others are unique, and reflect distinct regional political histories, previous experiences of mobilisation and prevailing social and material realities. The analysis will therefore attempt to identify key factors which shape these dynamics. These include;• key strategic issues within the movements and among groups themselves (diversity of strategies, politics of coalition-building, patterns of influence and engagement/non-engagement) • the organisation of institutional access (rights, representation, process, decision-making)• key economic and political regional dynamics which affect each of the above (differences between and within individual countries regarding key issues and attitudes towards participation)By comparing across different sets of trade negotiations and institutional arrangements it will be possible to identify what the key drivers and shapers of change appear to be. In other words, the extent to which these appear to derive from the nature of the institution or process itself, the strategies of the movement engaging with it, or more likely still, some combination of both these elements. The challenge is to account for diverse forms of engagement and non-engagement and, more importantly, to derive lessons from them about the possibility of constructing more effective, sustainable and transparent mechanisms of participation and representation in trade policy based on experiences to date in Latin America.

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Can Mercosur Survive? Domestic and International Constraints on Mercosur

Cited by 26 publications

References 27 publications

Macroeconomic Deeds, Not Reform Words: The Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment in Latin America

Macroeconomic Deeds, Not Reform Words: The Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment in Latin America

Intra‐regional diffusion of spectrum license allocation policies

Civil Society Participation in Trade Policy-making in Latin America: The Case of the Environmental Movement

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