(2), and this number is likely to be higher in 2016 as asylum-seekers embark on new and even more dangerous routes to Europe after the implementation of the refugee deal between the European Union and Turkey (3).As more and more people flee war-torn countries and persecution, refugee-receiving democracies must confront a fundamental challenge: how to honor international commitments-including treaties like the United Nations 1951 Refugee Convention-to process asylum claims and provide shelter to accepted refugees, while at the same time developing asylum policies that are supported by domestic voters.As Fig. 1 shows, there is considerable heterogeneity in the exposure of European countries to the asylum crisis. While some countries, like Germany and Sweden, process a large number of asylum applications per capita, others, like the United Kingdom and Czech Republic, share a comparatively small responsibility. Yet the migrant crisis has been so severe that it has resulted in political conflict and social tensions widely across Europe, including extreme right-wing parties mobilizing citizens around asylum issues (4), frequent arson attacks on asylum centers (5), and the partial closing of Schengen borders.As the crisis threatens national solidarity, the social contract, and continental unity, European policymakers face increasing public pressure to find policy solutions. While public preferences may 3 not always directly translate into policies, a sizable political science literature has shown that in democratic countries, particularly salient and high-profile public policies often respond markedly to public opinion (6-8). In the context of this study, a case in point is the recent "Brexit" referendum in the United Kingdom (UK) in which the public voted for the UK to exit the European Union, a decision that has been attributed to rising anti-immigrant backlash in the UK (9). And while public opinion is a crucial factor, a key problem for both academic scholars and policymakers alike is a lack of knowledge as to why some native-born citizens oppose and others support the welcoming of particular asylum-seekers.
FIG. 1 ABOUT HEREA large literature has examined public attitudes toward immigrants (10), ethnic minorities (11), and Muslims (12, 13) in general, but far fewer studies have looked at attitudes toward asylum-seekers (14-21). These latter studies have provided important insights into the correlates of anti-asylumseeker sentiment, but either they are limited to particular countries, or they rely on observational data from standard survey questions that ask about asylum-seekers in general and do not use experiments to differentiate between different types of asylum-seekers (22). Furthermore, they have mostly been conducted prior to the current asylum crisis. There still exists very little systematic and experimental evidence to inform the heated ongoing political debates over asylum policies with the voice of European voters. In particular, we lack a comprehensive assessment that captures which particular types o...