Causatives across components

Horvath, Julia; Siloni, Tal

doi:10.1007/s11049-011-9135-3

Cited by 69 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 31 publications

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“…Undertaking a systematic comparison and assessment of these two radically different alternative approaches to the anticausative (unaccusative) alternation -Causativization versus (lexical) Decausativization -is beyond the scope of the present article (for a detailed discussion, and argumentation in favor of Decausativization, see Horvath and Siloni, 2011). What is relevant to conclude in the present context is only that both approaches are consistent with the findings we reached in the above sections.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 56%

“…Eliminating an argument from a semantic representation seems, indeed, logically illicit. Horvath and Siloni (2011), however, argue that lexical entries need not, and in fact should not, involve λ-formulas (those are read off syntactic structure, built on the basis of lexical information and syntactic requirements). Lexical entries are argued instead to include only formal features, semantic features and thematic information (θ-roles).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…1 Haspelmath also points out that the causative alternation that involves pairs of causatives-transitives in addition to causatives-intransitives is characterized by systematic morphology on the causative alternate. As argued in detail in Horvath and Siloni (2011), this is a type of alternation with a systematically distinct cluster of properties from the causative-unaccusative alternation and is derived by independent operations. 2 The same is true for the object-Experiencer-subject-Experiencer alternation.…”

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confidence: 97%

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Anticausatives: Against reflexivization

Horvath

Siloni

2011

Lingua

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 56%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 97%

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Anticausatives: Against reflexivization

Horvath

Siloni

2011

Lingua

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“…In contrast, lexicalist approaches (e.g. Horvath & Siloni, 2010; Meltzer-Asscher, 2012; Reinhart, 2002) argue that detailed thematic grids must be specified in the lexicon. Other approaches (e.g.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

How the brain processes different dimensions of argument structure complexity: Evidence from fMRI

et al. 2015

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Verbs are central to sentence processing, as they encode argument structure (AS) information, i.e., information about the syntax and interpretation of the phrases accompanying them. The behavioral and neural correlates of AS processing have primarily been investigated in sentence-level tasks, requiring both verb processing and verb-argument integration. In the current functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) study, we investigated AS processing using a lexical decision task requiring only verb processing. We examined three aspects of AS complexity: number of thematic roles, number of thematic options, and mapping (non)canonicity (unaccusative vs. unergative and transitive verbs). Increased number of thematic roles elicited greater activation in the left posterior perisylvian regions claimed to support access to stored AS representations. However, the number of thematic options had no neural effects. Further, unaccusative verbs elicited longer response times and increased activation in the left inferior frontal gyrus, reflecting the processing cost of unaccusative verbs and, more generally, supporting the role of the IFG in noncanonical argument mapping.

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“…Proponents of this approach can be further divided into two: 1) The transitive and intransitive alternates are related by a lexical operation reducing the transitive alternate's external thematic role to derive the unaccusative alternate (see e.g. Chierchia, 2004; Horvath & Siloni, 2011; Levin & Rappaport Hovav, 1995). Both verbal alternates are thus listed in the lexicon, with their respective thematic grids; 2) The lexicon consists solely of abstract roots, carrying some thematic information, and not of verbs.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The neural substrates of complex argument structure representations: Processing “alternating transitivity” verbs

Meltzer‐Asscher

Schuchard

Ouden

et al. 2013

Language and Cognitive Processes

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This study examines the neural correlates of processing verbal entries with multiple argument structures using fMRI. We compared brain activation in response to ‘alternating transitivity’ verbs, corresponding to two different verbal alternates – one transitive and one intransitive - and simple verbs, with only one, intransitive, thematic grid. Fourteen young healthy participants performed a lexical decision task with the two verb types. Results showed significantly greater activation in the angular and supramarginal gyri (BAs 39 and 40) extending to the posterior superior and middle temporal gyri bilaterally, for alternating compared to simple verbs. Additional activation was detected in bilateral middle and superior frontal gyri (BAs 8 and 9). The opposite contrast, simple compared to alternating verbs, showed no significant differential activation in any regions of the brain. These findings are consistent with previous studies implicating a posterior network including the superior temporal, supramarginal and angular gyri for processing verbs with multiple thematic roles, as well as with those suggesting involvement of the middle and superior frontal gyri in lexical ambiguity processing. However, because ‘alternating transitivity’ verbs differ from simple intransitives with regard to both the number of thematic grids (two vs. one) and the number of thematic roles (two vs. one), our findings do not distinguish between activations associated with these two differences.

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Causatives across components

Cited by 69 publications

References 31 publications

Anticausatives: Against reflexivization

Anticausatives: Against reflexivization

How the brain processes different dimensions of argument structure complexity: Evidence from fMRI

The neural substrates of complex argument structure representations: Processing “alternating transitivity” verbs

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