Central Asia in the Iranian geopolitical imagination

Wastnidge, Edward

doi:10.22261/1yrj04

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…Indeed, 'neither East nor West' was the slogan of the early revolution, recalling the language of non-alignment and signalling Iran's desire for independence. Still, Iran's new regional allies tended to be more closely aligned with the Soviet Union than the US (Syria is an example) and, following the former's breakdown, relations with Russia, and the former Soviet republics also improved, revealing the importance of the Central Asian sphere as part of Iran's new regional axes (Wastnidge 2017).…”

Section: Iranmentioning

confidence: 99%

Regional powers, global aspirations: lessons from India and Iran

Fawcett

Jagtiani

2022

Int Polit

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This paper offers a revised and decentred perspective on regional power behaviour in world politics. Our revisionist approach departs from existing accounts by incorporating three key elements. First, in focusing attention on the regional–global nexus within which the international relations of regional powers have been conducted, demonstrating how regions can be mobilised as part of a status-seeking strategy at the global level. Second, examining this nexus historically: historical trajectories are vital sites of learning about the long-standing ambitions and policies of regional powers. Third, drawing on insights from critical geopolitics in highlighting the fluid and socially constructed nature of regions. We illustrate the interdependence of regional strategies and global outlooks through the cases of India and Iran, states in which we find parallels and shared insights demonstrating the value of a revisionist approach to analysing regional power behaviour, especially as their rise and growing capabilities inform a changing world order.

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Section: Iranmentioning

confidence: 99%

Regional powers, global aspirations: lessons from India and Iran

Fawcett

Jagtiani

2022

Int Polit

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“…The role and place of Iran and the region of Central Asia in the system of regional international relations is reflected in a series of local and foreign works on geopolitics, security, and international relations. For instance, the Iranian-Central Asian issue has been partly touched through revealing geopolitical interests of these states (Dugin 1999;Brzezinski 1997), or through dealing with Iranian policy in Central Asia in general (Nanay 1998;Khaidarov 1996;Wastnidge 2017;Mohsen 2016). American specialist in Middle Eastern affairs, Kenneth Katzman (2019) mainly concentrates on Iran's foreign and defense policies, and only briefly touches Iranian-Uzbek relations.…”

Section: Review Of the Related Literaturementioning

confidence: 99%

Iran-Uzbekistan Relations in the Regional Security Context

Yuldasheva¹

2020

AJP

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This article examines Iran-Uzbekistan relations within the regional security context, and the new efforts undertaken in 2019 to solve the security problems via bilateral and regional multinational institutions. It argues that the aggravation of the existing security situation, including geopolitical tensions in the region, contributes to the consolidation of the Iran-Uzbekistan partnership. The anti-Iran measures facilitate the process of reintegrating the region along the historical lines as part of the response to the growing global challenges. There are signs of positive regional dynamics, which can further boost Iran-Uzbekistan cooperation, and presuppose future regional connectivity among all pacified neighbors.

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“…According to EIA, the region contains 48 billion barrels of oil and 292 trillion cubic feet of natural gas in proved and probable reserves in the wider Caspian basins area, both from onshore and 1 https://www.eia.gov/beta/international/regionstopics.php?RegionTopicID=CSR 2 http://www.payvand.com/news/18/oct/1075.html offshore fields. 3 The nations in the Caspian region-notably Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan, and to a lesser degree Russia, Iran-are believed to be sitting on what amounts to 10% of the earth's potential oil reserves. 4 Azerbaijan possesses the world's 27th largest natural gas reserves, while Caspian neighbor Russia ranks number 1, followed by Iran at number two and Turkmenistan at number six, and Kazakhstan at 15.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Caspian Sea Convention: The Reasons behind Iran’s Landmark Agreement

Toktassynov

2019

J Int Polit

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and Iran reached an agreement on the legal status of the Caspian Sea, facilitating new oil and gas extraction and pipelines. The dispute was settled referring to the Caspian as a sea (not a lake) with "a special legal status". The reason behind the prolongation of the sign for more than two decades was mainly Iran's firm stance on division of Caspian Sea to five equal parts which was opposed by four other littoral states. This paper argues that the decisive factor in determination of the status of Caspian Sea was Iran's formal abandonment of its position on equal partition of Caspian Sea which enabled the Aktau agreement (Kazakhstan) and indicates the crucial changes Iran's foreign policy. The Aktau agreement has clearly demonstrated that at present Iran gives priority to security and geopolitical issues more than mere economic gains.

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Central Asia in the Iranian geopolitical imagination

Cited by 4 publications

References 10 publications

Regional powers, global aspirations: lessons from India and Iran

Regional powers, global aspirations: lessons from India and Iran

Iran-Uzbekistan Relations in the Regional Security Context

Caspian Sea Convention: The Reasons behind Iran’s Landmark Agreement

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