2015
DOI: 10.3167/ip.2015.300112
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Centripetal and Centrifugal Corruption in Post-democratic Italy

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Cited by 6 publications
(6 citation statements)
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“…For instance, in 2020 Emilia Romagna ranked third among Italian regions in Italy for the number of companies disqualified due to mafia infiltration by the anti-mafia investigation directorate, overtaking Sicily in the national ranking (DIA 2020). At the same time, several corruption scandals, such as in the health-care sector in Lombardy or the MOSE in Venice, showed the presence of enduring and systemic political corruption networks in crucial public sectors, where informal "centers of authority" used to regulate transactions (Della Porta, Sberna, & Vannucci, 2015).…”
Section: Not Only Mafia? Tentative Extension To Italy and Europementioning
confidence: 99%
“…For instance, in 2020 Emilia Romagna ranked third among Italian regions in Italy for the number of companies disqualified due to mafia infiltration by the anti-mafia investigation directorate, overtaking Sicily in the national ranking (DIA 2020). At the same time, several corruption scandals, such as in the health-care sector in Lombardy or the MOSE in Venice, showed the presence of enduring and systemic political corruption networks in crucial public sectors, where informal "centers of authority" used to regulate transactions (Della Porta, Sberna, & Vannucci, 2015).…”
Section: Not Only Mafia? Tentative Extension To Italy and Europementioning
confidence: 99%
“…It is also important to remember that all is not economic rationality in Italy (De Cecco, 2009;Molina and Rhodes, 2007), so the 'insider' and 'outsider' categories are unlikely to simply reflect economic dynamics. The 'powerful interests' that Prospero refers to include, but are not totally contiguous with, a neoliberal 'capitalist class': they may be more traditional 'political' interests, which may therefore continue to engage in such 'economically inefficient' practices as patronage and corruption (Trento, 2012: 447;Della Porta et al, 2015). Where it is accompanied by relevant political belonging, formal economic exclusion is therefore unlikely to directly translate into punishment in Italy: formal economic exclusion may mask informal economic integration, for example in a political clientele, further implying the availability of informal norms for the resolution of social conflict.…”
Section: Political Economy and Punishmentmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In such a revised economic and institutional context, there are fewer incentives to sustain moderation as a collective good. Rather, incentives will tend to be in favour of moderation perceived of as a scarce good, accessible through interpersonal ties, even linked to leniency (Loader, 2010: 345), where moderation is premised on inclusion within the type of groups -patronage or corruption networks (Della Porta et al, 2015;Nelken, 2010) -that skirt illegality.…”
Section: Penal Reforms Institutional Changes and Changing Penal Incementioning
confidence: 99%
“…The political economy perspective, based on the rational calculating individual, usually uses the principal-agent model and views corruption as the act of government officials providing illegal benefits to their clients in violation of the rules set by the principal or the law based on their cost-benefit calculations (Schweitzer, 2004), which means that corruption is the result of the subject's choice under institutional and normative constraints (Porta et al, 2014). In contrast, the socio-cultural perspective argues that the reduction of human beings to unconstrained metazoan individuals is inappropriate and that explaining the occurrence of corruption in terms of individual rationality, especially material interests, is too simplistic and reductive.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%