We examined the mechanisms involved in the development of the easily learned, easily remembered (ELER) heuristic in three groups of young children (4-5 years, 6-7 years, and 8-9 years). A trial-to-acquisition procedure was used to evaluate how much these children's judgment of learning depended on the ELER heuristic. Moreover, a new experimental paradigm, composed of six phases-a pretest, four training phases, and a posttest-was employed to implicitly influence the validity of the ELER association that underlies this metacognitive rule. Results revealed that the ELER heuristic develops early (4-5 years), but its use is reduced after implicit training. Furthermore, executive monitoring was found to account for the smaller changes observed in older children (8-9 years) after training. From a developmental perspective, these findings present a coherent picture of children's learning of metacognitive heuristics, wherein early automatic and implicit learning is later followed by effortful control.Keywords: Implicit learning, heuristics, metamemory, judgment, children Running head: Detection of Metamemorial Regularities 3
IntroductionIt is commonly hypothesized that metamemory knowledge develops throughout childhood on the basis of day-to-day experience (Jacoby, Kelley, & Dywan, 1989;Olds & Westerman, 2012). Over the past decade, several studies have examined the nature of the mechanisms that underlie this experiential development (Grammer, Purtell, Coffman, & Ornstein, 2011;Hodzik & Lemaire, 2011). To date, these studies have mostly focused on explicit metacognitive knowledge-that is, late-onset knowledge that people can verbalize and purposely put into practice when they are confronted with tricky memory situations-and have generally demonstrated that high-level cognitive functions are required to acquire knowledge about memory functioning (Grammer et al., 2011).In reality, however, metamemory is not fully explicit (Lyons & Ghetti, 2013;Paulus, Proust, & Sodian, 2013). Many metacognitive theories merely guide memory decisions at the border of awareness. For example, we use the ease with which memories of positive events come to mind as a cue to determine whether we had a good time (availability heuristic; Tversky & Kahneman, 1973); we judge the familiarity of names on the basis of the fluency with which we process them (fluency heuristic; Johnston, Hawley, & Elliott, 1991); and we are inclined to suppose that easily learned information is more likely to be remembered (memorizing-effort heuristic; Koriat, 2008). These naïve theories and the underlying heuristic rules are rarely, if ever, verbalized or deliberately employed, but their effects on memory performance are equal to those of explicit strategies (Dodson & Schacter, 2001;Ghetti, 2008;Howe, 2008;Meeks, Knight, Brewer, Cook, & Marsh, 2014). However, although researchers studying adult metacognition have long placed a heavy emphasis on the study of these heuristic rules, research on metacognition in children has only recently started to pay greater atten...