Changes to policies for work and retirement in EU15 nations (1995–2005)

Abstract

“Active ageing” policies have been presented as a potential panacea for the conflict between generations many argue will result from demographic ageing. Indeed, as part of a new intergenerational contract, older individuals (here defined as those aged 50-64) are expected to re-engage with, and remain in, the labour market longer. However, this implies all individuals experience the same policy mix. This study uses micro-level data to address changes to work and retirement policies for older individuals from 1995 to 2005, and the resultant alterations to the degree of choice in terms of labour market participation different sub-groups within this age cohort had. The data demonstrate that the policy shift towards “active ageing” is not universally applied to all older individuals as some retain the ability to early exit from the labour market. Thus the notion of a single intergenerational contract is overly simplistic and neglects a great deal of intragenerational difference

Preference theory in advanced age and the older Czech workforce

“…Or as the popular saying goes: if you want to have something done, ask a busy person. It also remains for further research to fully uncover where the roots of the values behind these preferences lie, since some authors such as Radl (2013) or Hamblin (2010) may argue that social class and gender, for example, play a role in both workvalue creation and in availability of exercising equal freedom of choice over labour market participation and exit. We have seen that the value of work and life-long learning is much higher for the work-oriented than for those in the retirement-oriented category, but even these values may have their (structural) explanation, which should be described more in detail in future enquiries on larger and/or panel samples.…”

“…Within the understanding of the European Commission active ageing is understood as "a coherent strategy to make ageing well possible in ageing societies", which in practice means "educating and training throughout life, adopting healthy life styles, working longer, retiring later and being active after retirement" (European Commission 2002). This approach underwent sharp criticism for being presented as the only way to "grow old well", disregarding and disrespecting those who cannot or do not want to stay active in this sense of the term, and for introducing new a hierarchy and new forms of exclusion among ageing people (Hamblin 2010). As Neilson (2006in Hasmanová 2013 noted, all understandings of active ageing concepts are based on an idea of individuals who actively strive to influence the conditions of their ageing towards minimal dependency on social systems and other people, towards financial near-self-sufficiency and independence from the state.…”

Geographies of the impact of retirement on health in the United Kingdom

“…A common policy response to the issue of population ageing in Western countries is to postpone retirement to older ages (Hamblin 2010;Pond et al 2010). For example, in the UK, under the Pensions Act 2011, the state pension age for women will increase from 60 to 65 by 2018.…”

People with learning disabilities and ‘active ageing’

“…In addition, tighter eligibility for disability benefits (from 1995), in‐work benefits and training incentives targeted at unemployed people over the age of 50, such as the New Deal 50 Plus (from 2002), are strategies to encourage older workers' employment (Banks & Smith, ; Foster, ). Although some policy documents, including those produced by the European Union (EU) consider a wider range of provision, such as lifelong learning, engaging in capacity‐enhancing and health‐promoting activities, and being active after retirement (CEC ), the aim is largely to extend the working lives of older people (Hamblin, ) and reflect employment targets in relation to older people (Zaidi & Zolyomi, ), thus excluding the majority of people with learning disabilities who have never been active in the labour market.…”